Report of the Special Mission to Egypt under Lord Milner, and related papers [‎209r] (420/473)

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adoption ot European dress. Everything in law, customs, manners which is not
European is on the detensive. All the forces both of snobbishness and of the desire
for improvement are against Islam. Few or no men of any position in the country
observe the ritual or conform to the discipline of Mahommedanism.
17. 1 here is a marked movement of opinion, even among the Cadys, in favour
of reform of the religious law; but the standard of reform is set by the codes of
European countries. European influence spreads through the country by a hundred
channels: books, newspapers, advertisements, cinemas, the tales of returned travellers,
the example of foreign residents, Government institutions. In these circumstances
it is not surprising that the political ideas which have the greatest influence in
Europe find in Egypt a field in which they appear almost to propagate themselves
by their own proper energy. The ideals and traditions of the East are profoundly
undermined, and their place is filled by the still rising and vigorous tide of European
nationalism and democracy. It is perhaps a matter for regret that we have not
realised earlier that if this system of thought is in danger of proving subversive or
indigestible, it can only be combated or rendered wholesome by the intensive
education of a governing class on the lines of our own best ideals. But England has
not in the past taken the same view r of its interests and responsibilities in these
respects as, for example, have France and Italy. We have not sought to appeal to
the imagination of the Egyptians. My belief/for what it is worth, is that we are
more likely to restore British influence in Egypt by appealing to the imagination of
the Egyptian people and to their desire for progress on Western lines than in any
other way.
18. I do not wish to exaggerate. The Egyptian popular mind is a shallow sea.
easih stnied to excitement, and incapable, or so it w T ould appear, of any such
profound and prolonged effort of national reconstruction as w T as made by the
Japanese. But to pursue the analogy, this sea is inseparably connected with the
European ocean, and the level of one cannot be altered w ithout altering the level of
the other. And, in short, unless I am much mistaken, any policy resting on the idea
of overcoming the nationalist sentiments of the mass of the people by measures of a
purely economic kind is essentially chimerical.
March 23, 1921.
Enclosure 2 in No. 1 .
Memorandum by Mr Patterson.
1 HAVE no hesitation in saying that it is a mere chimera to formulate any
stlieme b\ which the fellaheen Arabic for ‘peasant’. It was used by British officials to refer to agricultural workers or to members of a social class employed primarily in agricultural labour. can be wen over to a return to a Cromerian policy
under which they , support Great Britain against the Pashalik and land owning
classes. I would go further and say that, even if such a policy succeeded at first, w r e
should in the end be faced with exactly the same problems by the fellaheen Arabic for ‘peasant’. It was used by British officials to refer to agricultural workers or to members of a social class employed primarily in agricultural labour. leaders
whom we would have lifted out of the ruck.
it was once pointed out to me by a young scion of an old Turkish family that
Eord Cromer had actually tried to do this, and that his policy had not been very
successful. He instanced the case of Mahmoud Pasha An Ottoman title used after the names of certain provincial governors, high-ranking officials and military commanders. Suliman, a pure fellah Arabic for ‘peasant’. It was used by British officials to refer to agricultural workers or to members of a social class employed primarily in agricultural labour.
creation of Eord Cromer’s, and of his son Mahmoud Pasha An Ottoman title used after the names of certain provincial governors, high-ranking officials and military commanders. Mahmoud whose
phenomenally repid advancement was entirely the work of the British agency An office of the East India Company and, later, of the British Raj, headed by an agent. . The
former is president of the delegation in Egypt, and the latter is a most bitter Anglo-
jinobe—has been one of 8 aad ZaghluFs colleagues in Paris. Zaghlul himself is a
pure Egyptian who was first given powder by Lord Cromer.
. T3 T1 / e , abov f not be taken to imply that the fellaheen Arabic for ‘peasant’. It was used by British officials to refer to agricultural workers or to members of a social class employed primarily in agricultural labour. would prefer home rule
to British rule. They w^ould most emphatically prefer the latter. It is a great
mistake however, to suppose that their thoughts turn on politics at all. Beirm of
the East eastern, they look on all these town squabbles with “ patient, deep disdain.”
Ihev have been roused up once after being stung by oppression and after having
then- feelings played upon by agitators who appealed to their feelings of revenge,
greed and religious fanaticism. They have also suffered for this uprising, and have
not been s ow to observe that the agitators have got off scot-free. They are now fully
occupied by their agricultural affairs and are most unlikely to take sides in any
struggle between tw r o Governments for power.
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