Scrapbook of newspaper cuttings about Afghanistan [‎139r] (286/312)

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"W e expressed yesterday a conviction that what
ever lier M ajesty's Ministers may do or decline
to do on their own account, " injudicious advo-
" cates of the Government" would be soon
heard to proclaim that there is an Imperial policy
which is not to be satisfied by any conciliatory
movement on the part of S here A lt. N o predic
tion could well have met with a more rapid fulfil
ment, About the time that our words were
printed an injudicious advocate of the Government
was dicing the very thing we had expected. A
journal which has lately been content to make
itself the ofiicious speaking trumpet of what it
understands to be the purposes of Ministers came
out yesterday with a somewhat portentous
announcement. Whatever S heee A t.t may do, we,
according to this statement, shall have much the
same policy to carry out, " There will be work
" found for our soldiers in any case." " If the
" A meer continues obstinate, it will be necessary
"to bring him to reason by force." Yes; but
suppose he should not continue obstinate ? What
work would then, in the natural course of things,
seem to be left for our soldiers to do in Afghan
istan ? That is very precisely set forth; and
we invite attention to it. " If he yields without
" fighting we shall still need men to occupy the
" new line of frontier which we intend to substi-
" tute for our present one, or to hold the
" advanced stations at which we may insist that
" our presence is to be permitted." If this state
ment of the intentions of the Government be
an authoritative, or at least an accurate, repre
sentation, her M ajesty's Ministers have determined
upon seizing a portion of S heee A li's territory
without any regard to his conduct towards us.
We " intend " to have a " new line of frontier; " we
intend to " substitute " it " for our present one."
We shall need men, come war or peace, to occupy
our new territory. The very same journal in
which this extraordinary announcement appears
explains that the whole story of the insults
offered to our Envoy, and the threat of the
A meer's Commandant to open fire upon the
English party, was a mere rumour for which no
foundation existed. It was a report as untrue as
that famous story of the insult offered by the King
of P russia to the French Ambassador, which had
so much to do with the inflaming of the Paris
population into the proper temper for war. We are
now assured by this officious exponent of the
Government's policy that we are to annex some
of S here A li's territory in any case. No
semi-official organ of the French Imperial Go
vernment when N apoleon III. was in bis prime
of power could have proclaimed a policy of
plunder with more pompous disregard for the
rules of morality, or the opinion of the civilized
world. The principle simply is that S here A li
possesses some territory which our statesmen in
office think it would be convenient for us to
have, and they have therefore made up their
minds that he shall yield it up to us. If he
offends us he is to be punished by having the
territory taken from him; if he does not offend
us the territory is to be taken from him all the
same.
The Government, it is true, may decline to ac
cept any responsibility for such utterances as these;
but if they are really not willing to bear the
disgrace and the danger of having inspired such
pernicious sentiments, they ought to contrive
somehow to speak out at once, and disavow them
by the mouth of some one in authority whose
words can be trusted. Can it actually be, people
will meantime ask, that Lord B eaconsfield has
revived the odious policy of annexation by
brute force—the policy which seizes on anything a
weak neighbour may have, because we think we
should like to possess it, and the neighbour is re
luctant to give it up ? Are we then about to put
S here A li into the position of the en
trapped prodigal in the famous Eestoration
comedy, who finds himself compelled to make
a present to his plunderers of his watch, his rings,
and his purse, because he knows that if he refuses
anything they will have that of him and more
besides ? One might have thought that if any
policy of past and unprincipled days had been
given up for ever, consigned to the brazen casket,
sealed down with the seal of Solomon , and buried
in the sea, it was just that policy of what was
politely called annexation. We may fail, perhaps,
to impress some minds with a recognition of the
fact that there are morals and principles in public
life as well as in private, in politics as in com
mercial affairs, in the dealings between States as
well as in the dealings between individual men.
There are persons who when they stand alone are
models of modest propriety, but who are always
ready to interrupt and shout and furiously
gesticulate when they form part of a crowd. In
the same way there are doubtless many men who,
while utterly incapable of cheating or plundering
S here A lt personally, would consider their pri-
.yate tceling s of morality inanpropriate if they-
were called upon to approve the Ministerial policy'
which robbed him of territory. For th®
benefit of such persons we shall only ask
what they think the effect upon Asia, and
indeed upon the world, would ba of such
a policy as that which has been promised?
( What will other Asiatic States think of it if
they see that England is ready by virtue of her mere
strength to seize whatever territory she desires to
have ? Will they not be forced to the conviction
j that whenever the occasion arises the same policy
| will be applied to them ? Such a Slate as Persia,
i for instance, will naturally feel that if she is to be
! secured against partition she will have to seek
i protectors wherever she finds any plausible pro-
| mise held out to her. The yet independent Princes
: in India are not likely to view without alarm the
application of a ^policy which any day's change
in events might invite our Government to bring to
bear against them. We could hardly wonder if
Afghanistan caballed and made alliances with any
Power against us in the hope of one day obtain
ing restitution or revenge. The statesmen of
Bussia must surely smile with sardonic satisfac
tion when they hear of such purposes being enter
tained by an English Government. Eussia's corn
is ripening, to adopt the words of the old saying,
while such plans are professed. It will be an
easy task for her to parade herself as the pro
tectress of the rights which we show ourselves
resolved so contemptuously to disregard^
It would not be just, we fully admit, to hold
the Government responsible as yet for such
doctrines and such a policy as those against which
we protest. We trust still to see them explicitly
and authoritatively disavowed. There must
surely be men in Lord B eaconsfield 's Cabinet
to whom such principles are odious. But unfortu
nately many of the recent acts done by the
Government are such as to render it impossible to
regard with utter incredulity tbe sort of
announcement which has just been made
as if on their behalf. We may hope
that it will prove to be a complete
misrepresentation of their policy, but we cannot
say that it sets out a policy which is in itself im
possible. We owe it to the statesmen now in
office that the principle of partition has been
formally set up again in the politics of Europe as
well as of Asia. We have heard it again and
again proclaimed that the whole crisis in the East
was to be viewed by English statesmen solely as it
affected the interests of England, and that our
policy in dealing with whatever amount of human
suffering and oppression was to be guided entirely
by the prospect of our getting any national ad
vantage out of it. This, however, is a selfishness
of which we could not hope to hay« a monopoly,
Eussia, too, would naturally look to its own ad
vantage, and Austria would do the same, and
Italy and France; nor could we be surprised if
Turkey failed to see why she should be more self-
sacrificing than her neighbours. The influence of
such example is rapid and v/idespreading in its
effect, and we do in all seriousness say that the
present Government of this country are respon
sible for having at a crisis of the greatest import
ance in the affairs of the East given a turn to
the plans of settlemejit which converted European
arbitration into something unpleasantly like a
selfish scramble. It would not, therefore, be very
surprising if some of our statesmen had resolved
(that at least a portion of S here A li's territory
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Joj patJAVM paoqn b W av miq o; eaxsap «
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eq; ut jaq^ago; ^q; pu« siq^ Sut^nd
'ubui eq; 'qtio v miq qo^oj o; eaiBuoissimraoQ
b 0} gSunnqs eaaqq, peaago £5 jo^si A „ ji 'uregy
"la i yiicrf'' One is*'
We expressed yesterday a conviction that what
ever her Majesty's Ministers may do or decline
to do on their own account, " injudicious advo-
" cates of tho Government" would be soon
heard to proclaim that there is an Imperial policy
which is not to bo satisfied by any conciliatory
movement on the part of Suere Alt. No predic
tion could well have mot with a more rapid fulfil
ment. About the time that our words were
printed an injudicious advocate of tho Government
was doing the very thing we had expected. A
journal which has lately been content to make
itself the officious speaking trumpet of what it
understands to be the purposes of Ministers came
out yesterday with a somewhat portentous
announcement. TVhatevcr snere Ali may do, we,
according to this statement, shall have much the
same policy to carry out, " There will be work
" found for our soldiers in any case." "If the
" Ameer continues obstinate, it will be necessary
"to bring him to reason by force." Yes; but
suppose he should not continue obstinate ? What
work would then, in the natural course of things,
seem to be left for our soldiers to do in Afghan
istan ? That is very precisely set forth; and
wo invite attention to it. " If ho yields without
" fighting we slmVl still need men to occupy tho
" new line of frontier which we intend to substi-
" tuto for our present one, or to hold the
" advanced stations at which we may insist that
" our presence is to bo permitted." If this state
ment of the intentions of tho Government bo
an authoritative, or at least an accurate, repre
sentation, her MAJESTY 'sMinisters have determined
upon seizing a portion of Shere Ali's territory
without any regard to his conduct towards us.
^ e " intend " to have a " new line of frontier; " we
intend to "substitute" it " for our preseut one."
We shall need men, come war or peace, to occupy
our new territory. Tho very same journal in
which this extraordinary announcement appears
explains that the whole story of the insults
offered to our Envoy, and the threat of the
Ameer's Commandant to open fire upon the
English party, was a mere rumour for which no
foundation existed. It was a report as untrue as
that famous story of the insult offered by the King
of Prussia to the French Ambassador, which had
so much to do with the inflaming of the Paris
population into the proper temper for war. We are
now assured by this officious exponent of the
Government's policy that we are to annex some
of Shere Ali's territory in any case. No
semi-official organ of tho French Imperial Go
vernment when Napoleon ' III. was in his prime
of power could have proclaimed a policy of
plunder with more pompous disregard for tho
rules of morality, or the opinion of the civilized
world. The principle simply is that Sherb Ali
possesses some territory which our statesmen in
office think it would bo convenient for us to
have, and they havo therefore made up their
minds that he shall yield it up to us. If he
offends us he is to be punished by having the
territory taken from him; if he does not offend
us the territory is to be taken from him all the
same.
Tho Government, it is true, may decline to ac
cept any responsibility for such utterances as these;
but if they are really not willing to bear the
disgrace and the danger of having inspired such
pernicious sentiments, they ought to contrive
somehow to speak out at once, and disavow them
by the mouth of some one in authority whose
words can be trusted. Can it actually be, people
will meantime ask, that Lord BeAconsfield has
revived the odious policy of annexation by
brute force—the policy which seizes on anything a
weak neighbour may have, because wo think we
should like to possess it, and the neighbour is re
luctant to give it up ? Are we then about to put
Siiere Ali into the position of the en
trapped prodigal in the famous Pes tor al ion
comedy, who finds himself compelled to make
a present to his plunderers of his watch, his rings,
and his purse, because he knows that if he refuses
anything they will have that of him and more
besides ? One might have thought that if any
policy of past and unprincipled days had been
given up for ever, consigned to the brazen casket,
sealed down with the seal of SglgmjON , and buried
in the s ea, it was just that policy of what was
politely called annexation. We may fail, perhaps,
fo impress some minds with a recognition of the
fact that there are morals and principles in public
life as well as in private, in politics as in com
mercial affairs, in the dealings between States as
well as in the dealings between individual men.
I here are persons who when they stand alone are
models of modest propriety, but who are always
ready to interrupt and shout and furiously
gesticiuate when they form part of a crowd. In
tho same way there arc doubtless many men who,
while utterly incapable of cheating or plundering
Shere At,t pcrsonallv, would consider their pri
vate' Ic&Ungs of morality inapproyriate if thoy
were called upon to approve the Ministerial policy
which robbed him of territory. For th«
benefit of such persons wo shall only ask
what they think the effect upon Asia, and
indeed upon the world, would bo of such
a policy as that which has been promised ?
hat will other Asiatic States think of it if
they see that England is ready by virtue of her mere
strength to seize whatever territory she desires to
have ? Will they not be forced to the conviction
that whenever the occasion arises the same policy
will be applied to them ? Such a State as Persia,
for instance, will naturally feel that if she is to be
secured against partition she will have to seek
protectors wherever she finds any plausible pro
mise held out to her. The yet independent Princes
in India are not likely to view without alarm the
j application of a policy which any dav's change
' in events might invite our Government to bring to
1 bear against them. We could hardly wonder il
Afghanistan caballed and made alliances with any
Power against us in the hope of one day obtain
ing restitution or revenge. The statesmen of
Eussia must surely smile with sardonic satisfac
tion when they hear of such purposes being enter
tained by an English Government. Russia's corn
is ripening, to adopt the words of the old saying,
while such plans are professed. It will be an
easy task for her to parade herself as the pro
tectress of the rights which we show ourselves
resolved so contemptuously to disregard.
It would not be just, wo fully admit, to hold
tho Government responsible as yet for such
doctrines and such a policy as those against which
we protest. We trust still to see them explicitly
and authoritatively disavowed. There must
surely be men in Lord Beaconsfield's Cabinet
to whom such-principles are odious. But unfortu
nately many of the recent acts done by the
Government are such as to render it impossible to
regard with utter incredulity the sort of
announcement which has just been made
as if on their behalf. We may hope
that it will prove to be a complete
misrepresentation of their policy, but we cannot
say that it sets out a policy which is in itself im
possible. We owe it to the statesmen now in
office that the principle of paigition has been
formally set up again in tho politics of Europe as
well as of Asia. We have heard it again and
again proclaimed that the whole crisis in the East
was to be viewed by English statesmen solely as it
affected the interests of England, and that our
policy in dealing with whatever amount of human
suffering and oppression was to be guided entirely
by the prospect of our getting any national ad
vantage out of it. This, however, is a selfishness
of which we could not hope to hav« a monopoly.
Russia, too, would naturally look to its own ad
vantage, and Austria would do the same, and
Italy and France; nor could wo be surprised if
Tnrkoy failed to see why she should be more self-
sacrificing than her neighbours. The influence of
such example is rapid and wi^espreading in its
effect, and we do in all seriousness say that the
present Government of this country are respon
sible for having at a crisis of the greatest import
ance in the affairs of the East piven a turn to
the plans of settlement which converted European
arbitration into something unpleasantly like a
selfish scramble. It would not, therefore, be very
surprising if some of our statesmen had resolved
j that at least a portion of Shere Ali's territory
shall pass into our hands. The principle on
which they are acting, if this should unfor
tunately prove true, is that a strong State
has a right to judge how much of a weak
neighbour's territoiy it would be convenient
for her to possess, and to seize upon it if it
be not freely eurrondered. We regret if it shall
prove that there is an English Government in our
day capable of acting on such a principle. But if
there should be statesmen among us of such lax
morality they can hardly be weak enough to sup- m
pose that England alone will have tho temporary
benefit of a policy of annexation. The law which
we proclaim for ourselves wc are of course, whet bar
wo will or no, proclaiming also as a law for osa
neighbours. It would be hard indeed to say
how mauy phases of confusion the Easter*
Question may not yet have to pass through
the consequenco of the ambitious plans of an ill-
advised hour.