Papers on British policy and the Arab movement [‎160r] (323/380)

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Agreements as is compatible with the liberties of the inhabitants laid down in the
■-sJoint Anglo-French Declaration of November 1918.
These suggestions are put forward tentatively, but there is a genuine case for
revision, and these are lines on which we might be able to present it without placing
ourselves at any stage in a false position.
Proposals in detail for the different regions are given in Section IT below.
II.— Detail.
(i.) European Turkey and Anatolia Peninsula that forms most of modern-day Turkey. .
(a.) Constantinople .—From the point of view of British interests, the arguments
for and against leaving Constantinople under Turkish sovereignty are very evenly
balanced. Against leaving it is the fact that its retention might enable the Ottoman
Sultan to retain the Caliphate. In favour of leaving it is the rivalry among
traditional claimants, which a transfer of ownership might bring to a head. We shall
see more clearly when the question is actually under discussion, and we should not be
too hasty in making up our minds.
(b.) Anatolia Peninsula that forms most of modern-day Turkey. .—A policy in regard to the Italian claims has been suggested in
Section I above. W 7 e should hold firmly to our general principles of “no
annexations ” and “ self-determination,” and let the local application follow of itself.
Smyrna and the iEgean littoral, which are largely inhabited by Greeks, will be certain
to oppose any suggestion of Italian ascendancy. But it is perhaps not inconceivable
that the Turks in the region adjoining Adalia, which alone was contemplated as the
Italian zone originally, might seek Italian support and assistance.
(ii.) Black Sea Straits.
The control of the Straits, as a strategic and commercial highway, is a separate
question from that of the territorial sovereignty over the littoral and Constantinople, and
we should not allow the settlement of the latter question to prejudice the former,
which is of greater importance to us.
Our interests require effective international control, that is, control by a single
mandatory Power, and the Power designated must of course be acceptable to us. We
shall be well advised to work for the appointment of the United States, failing which,
some mixed International Board of Control Formally known as the Board of Commissioners for the Affairs of India, it was established by an Act of Parliament in 1784 to supervise the activities of the East India Company. , on the model of the Danube Commission,
may become inevitable.
(iii.) Dodekannese.
If we were not bound to Italy by the Treaty of 1915 (No. 7), we could, and
perhaps should, use our friendly offices with Italy to secure the transfer of the
sovereignty over these islands from Turkey to Greece. Italy has no more moral
justification for remaining there than for entering Anatolia Peninsula that forms most of modern-day Turkey. , but His Majesty s
Government are not free to take this line, since we have promised Italy “ complete
sovereignty ” over the Dodekannese under the original treaty (No. 7, Article 8), on the
strength of which Italy entered the war.
The best way to approach the solution of this question might be to deal with it in
connection with the settlement of the Northern Epirus question and others outstanding
between Italy and Greece : in other words, to treat it as a bouth-East European
rather than a Middle Eastern problem.
(iv.) Cypi'us. *
The disposal of Cyprus may be treated either as a Middle Eastern or a South-East
European problem. It was not "in eluded in the Middle-Eastern Agreements (except for
the servitude to France, which was entered into by His Majesty’s Government under
No. 11, Article 4), but it was involved in the earlier negotiations with Greece. The
population of the island is Greek, with a small Turkish minority. On the other hand,
it has to be considered geographically in relation to the Anatolian, Cilician, and Syrian
coastline. .
Juridically, Great Britain’s title to possess Cyprus is perfectly good. We acquired
the right to “ occupy and administer” it under the Cyprus Convention with Turkey, of
the 4th June, 1878, in the event of Kars-Ardahan-Batum being retained by Bussia, and
on the condition of assisting the Ottoman Government by force of arms to defend their
remaining Asiatic territories against any subsequent Russian aggression.
This Convention, being bipartite only, lapsed with the outbreak of war, and Cyprus,
as an occupied enemy territory, was annexed by His Majesty’s Government.
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