Typescript and printed cabinet papers and parliamentary papers on events in Egypt [‎99r] (197/520)

9
With regard to the question of foreign relations, the only point on
which the original formula of the Foreign Office has been modified by
the acceptance of the principle of representatiop, the right which has
been recognised as ours is surrounded by so many restrictions that
it becomes to a certain extent illusory. It cannot be thought that the
Minister for Foreign Affairs would be able freely to undertake the
responsibilities of his office, if he were compelled by a formal stipula
tion to maintain the closest relations with the High Commissoner, that
is to say, in fact, to submit to his direct control in the conduct of
foreign affairs. Further, the obligation to submit to the consent of
Great Britain all political agreements, even those that are not
incompatible with the spirit of the alliance, constitutes a serious
infringement of the principle of external sovereignty. Finally, the
maintenance of the title of High Commissioner, which it is not
customary to confer on diplomatic representatives accredited to
independent countries, emphasises yet further the character of the
political status proposed for Egypt.
Again, the problem of the Capitulations having been postponed, we
had every reason to believe that there ought to be no further question
of it in the agreement, and that it would be dealt with later by Egypt,
the party chiefly interested, with the diplomatic co-operation of her
ally. But now the problem is regarded as one that principally interests
Great Britain, who takes upon herself from henceforth the protection
of foreign interests and intends eventually to carry on alone the nego
tiations relative to the abolition of the Capitulations.
With regard to the Financial and Judicial Commissioners and their
interference, in the name of the protection of foreign interests, with
the whole internal administration of the country, interference going
s: far in certain cases, as regards the Financial Adviser, as to con
stitute a check on the Government and Parliament, we do not wish
to touch again upon the objections put forward in our various notes.
We must, however, say that from the discussions which followed
on the postponement of the question of the Capitulations we did
receive the impression that an agreement would be reached with
regard to the protection of foreign interests on other bases more com
patible with the sovereignty of Egypt.
With regard to the question of the Soudan, which had not yet been
discussed, we feel bound to point out that it has been made the subject
of provisions which we cannot accept, and which do not guarantee to
Egypt the exercise of her indisputable right of sovereignty over that
country and of control of the waters of the Nile.
The foregoing observations render it unnecessary for us to analyse
the draft, the spirit and scope of which they have sufficiently brought
out. And the insistence with which it refers to the obligations of
Great Britain, “ the special responsibilities ” of the High Commis
sioner and the new reason given for the presence of the military force,
viz., the protection of the vital interests of Egypt, have the effect
of investing the draft with the quality of an actual deed of guardian
ship.
When we accepted the mission with which His Highness the
Sultan entrusted us, we hoped to conclude a treaty of alliance which,
while truly establishing the independence of Egypt would have safe
guarded British interests, and Egypt as the ally of Great Britain
would have held it a point of honour scrupulously to fulfil the obliga
tions which would have been incumbent upon her. But an alliance