Miscellaneous papers on the Near and Middle East [‎32v] (64/70)

not respected by Itussia, the Central Powers could not be expected to respect it. . It
was pointed out that the Russian* troops occupied strategic frontier posts, and, seeing
that Persia had no effective forces of her own with which to defend her neutrality,
their withdrawal would inevitably lead to the occupation by the Turks of the places
evacuated. But it was impossible to make the Persians realise the force of this
argument. On the contrary, they did their utmost to bring every possible pressure
to bear upon Russia and her ally, Great Britain, in order to achieve their end.
Persian public opinion was easily inflamed against us, and the next step was secretly
to encourage the Turks and Germans to enter Persia and to send armed bands of
German emissaries and eventually a considerable number of Turkish troops into the
country to eject the Russian forces and to make it impossible for our diplomatic and
consular missions to remain. These were not only unfriendly proceedings, but, viewed
from the standpoint of Persia’s own interests, they constituted a blunder o' the first
magnitude.
10. The history of our embarrassments in Persia, firstly in consort with our
Russian Allies, and later by ourselves, covers the whole period of the European War,
during which time every effort was made by our enemies, with the help of: these
so-called “ honest but misguided ” Persian statesmen, some of whom are now in Paris
endeavouring the place Persia’s “case” before the Peace Conference, to break off
relations with us and to join out enemies in a “ Holy War ’ against the infidel, the
aggressor, and the enemy of Islam.
11. With regard to Persia’s present demands, based apparently on the claim that
“ she has acquired rights which cannot be denied,” and her hope to be placed “ by right ”
in a position more favoured than “ certain belligerent countries who have suffered no
losses from the war,” I would make the following observations :—
(a.) Abrogation of 1907 Convention. —His Majesty’s Government have already
publicly T declared that, so far as they are concerned, the Anglo-Russian Convention is no
longer in force.
(b, c, d, e, and f ) Though deploring the effects brought about by the misguided
policy pursued by certain Persian statesmen, His Majesty’s Government have repeatedly
declared, and have shown bv their action their willingness to treat Persia’s national
aspirations with every sympathy and goodwill. They are even now engaged m an
exchange of views with the Persian Government as to their future relations. They
could not, however, consent to the abrogation or modification of treaties, conventions,
agreements, or concessions already in force, until new arrangements have been devised to
take their place. *
(g.) As long as the conditions of Persian administration remain as they now are,
and until the Persian Government are able to satisfy us as regards the safety of our
diplomatic and consular representatives in that country, His Majesty’s Government
could not abandon ti e existing right to protect them with military escorts and guards.
12. The experience of the past does not bear out the contention that “foreign
consulates” have always enjoyed perfect “security in Persia,” as staled in paragraph
(h) of the Persian “ case.” Reference need only be made to the arrest in Shiraz of His
Majesty’s consul .and the leading members of the British colony and their deportation
to Ahram, where thev were detained as prisoners for nine months, and later to the
arrest of Mr. Maclaren, His Majesty’s vice-consul, Captain Noel, and the bank manager
at. Resht, and to the exceptionally brutal treatment of Captain Noel by his captors,
the Jangalis.
(h, i, j.) These paragraphs again refer to treaties actually in force, and the remarks
above made apply equally to them.
13. As to claims for territorial restitution, it can only be supposed that the
pretensions of the Persian Foreign Minister are made on the principle that by putting
forward exaggerated claims he may secure agreement to some small fraction of them.
At any rate, it is difficult to see how a country which is unable to maintain effectively
the authority of the Central Government within its own borders can just ify a claim to an
enormous increase of territory comprising populations, many of which have enjoyed a
more stable form of government than they would be likely to obtain for many years to
come if they were included in the dominions of the Shah of Persia.
14. The first is a claim to Russian Transcaspia as far as the Sea of Aral and the
Amon Daria on the east, and includes the towns of Khiva, Merv, Alexandrovsk,
Krasnovodsk, and Ashkabad. The vast majority of the population in this extensive