Papers of the War Cabinet's Eastern Committee [252v] (504/544)
The record is made up of 1 file (272 folios). It was created in 13 Mar 1918-7 Jan 1919. It was written in English. The original is part of the British Library: India Office The department of the British Government to which the Government of India reported between 1858 and 1947. The successor to the Court of Directors. Records and Private Papers Documents collected in a private capacity. .
Transcription
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8
in the Eastern part of the Mediterranean would be a source of naval danger
to this country. They feel that, whatever arrangements were made in advance,
whatever restrictions were imposed as regards military or naval strength,
sooner or later America would acquire a navy, and that having acquired a
navy she would require a naval base and naval stations, and so on, and that we should
be admitting to European politics a new balance of naval power in Europe, a disturbing
and possibly, in the long run, a maleficent influence. 1 can give no opinion on that.
My opinion is worthless. I confess that I do not fully understand it. I do not
understand why, if America were to assume such a responsibility as we are now
discussing in Constantinople, or even Palestine or elsewhere, she must necessarily have
a big fleet for the purpose, must necessarily have a naval base, and must necessarily
embark upon a policy of competition with ourselves. The naval authorities no doubt
wull develop that point of vieM r . I only, in passing, venture to say on my own account
that 1 do not fully understand or appreciate the scale of the danger M'hich they seem to
put so high themselves.
These are the various candidates that have been named. Before we go.further, it
seems to me we have to consider, whoever is to be at Constantinople, the exact
relations in which, be it America or be it a condominium, they are to be placed to the
people themselves. Do you contemplate placing this power in Constantinople and
leaving the Turks there? Do you contemplate leaving the Turkish population and
eliminating the Turkish Government? Or do you contemplate leaving some form of
Turkish government in Constantinople side by side with the mandatory Power that
is exercising police functions in Constantinople and over the Straits? That really
raises very big issues in international policy.
Those who feel very strongly that the opportunity ought not to be lost of getting
rid of the Turk base their arguments upon what seem to me to be very powerful
grounds indeed. They say that it is the presence of the Turks in Constantinople that
during all these centuries has given the world the impression that Turkey is one of the
great Powers of the world. Certainly their presence there has enabled Turkey to pose
as a great European Power, and these pretensions would absolutely disappear it she were
turned out of Turkey and removed to the other side of the Straits. Secondly, I imagine
that her presence in Europe must have had an enormous effect in augmenting the
prestige and power of Islam throughout the world, and in giving encouragement to the
creed of Pan-Islam, about which we have heard so much in recent times.
Another point that the advocates of the expulsion of the Turk lay great stress
upon—and it appeals to me very strongly—is this. Just as Byzantium in the old days
of the Eastern Roman Empire was a sink of corruption and iniquity unparalleled in the
ancient world, so undoubtedly is Constantinople to-day. Stambul in the hands of the
Turks has been not only the hotbed of every sort of Eastern vice, but it has been
the source from which, the poison of corruption and intrigue has spread far and wide
into Europe itself. The presence of the Turks at Constantinople has been an ulcer in
the side oi Europe. If we could get rid of them, if we could agree on the “ bag and
baggage policy of Mr. Gladstone and remove them to the other side, we should all
feel that a kind of miasma had disappeared from the atmosphere of Europe. Further,
their removal would immensely encourage the progress of the Balkan communities to
the bigger future that lies before them. If, on the other band, Turkey remains in any
capacity you wdll always feel that in the background the old system is struggling again
into existence, the kind of thing that Abdul Hamid brought to perfection in the course
of his long and bloodstained career, and which there is now a glorious opportunity of
getting rid of for ever.
It is also to be remembered that if she goes it wmuld probably be the very best thing
that could happen to herself and to her own people. Those who know the Turk in his
owm highlands in Asia Minor and elsewhere always speak of him with respect as a
simple-minded, worthy fellow, who dislikes as much as anybody else the system ol
corruption and intrigue that goes on at headquarters, who would much prefer living”
his own simple existence detached from Europe and all governing influences altogether.
Further, it is to be borne in mind that if Turkey were turned out of Europe she
would lose the temptation to spend the enormous sums she has had to squander on
maintaining an army and a navy, at any rate an army, to sustain the illusion that she
is a great Power.
Lastly (this brings me rather into collision with the views that are put forward by
Sir Hamilton Grant, of the Government of India), if the Turk were turned out of
Europe it would settle, to my mind for all time, the question of the Khalifate. How
has the Ottoman Sultan been able through all these centuries to hold the position of
About this item
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This file is composed of papers produced by the War Cabinet's Eastern Committee, which was chaired by George Curzon for most of its existence. The file contains a complete set of printed minutes, beginning with the committee's first meeting on 28 March 1918, and concluding with its final meeting on 7 January 1919 (ff 6-214 and ff 227-272).
The file begins with two copies of a memorandum by Curzon, dated 13 March 1918, proposing the formation of the Eastern Committee. This is followed by a memorandum by Arthur James Balfour, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, approving Curzon's proposal, and a copy of a procedure for the newly created committee, outlining arrangements for committee meetings and the dissemination of information to committee members.
Also included is a set of resolutions, passed by the committee in December 1918, in order to guide British representatives at the Paris Peace conference (ff 216-225). The resolutions cover the following: the Caucasus and Armenia; Syria; Palestine; Hejaz and Arabia; Mesopotamia, Mosul, Baghdad and Basra. They are preceded by a handwritten note written by Curzon 'some years later', which remarks on how they are a 'rather remarkable forecast of the bulk of the results since obtained.'
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- 1 file (272 folios)
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The papers are arranged in approximate chronological order from the front to the rear of the file.
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Foliation: the foliation sequence (used for referencing) commences at the first folio with 1, and terminates at the last folio with 272; these numbers are written in pencil, are circled, and are located in the top right corner of the recto The front of a sheet of paper or leaf, often abbreviated to 'r'. side of each folio.
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- Mss Eur F112/274
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- Papers of the War Cabinet's Eastern Committee
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- 1r:214v, 216r:272v
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