Coll 6/43 'Pan Arab Congress 1933. Attitude of H.M.G. to a Pan Arab Movement' [‎327v] (655/1144)

Tnd Palestine without Syria, would not be very natural. In slimt, theie is
nothing inherently permanent about most of the present b / ,ullll f’ , h es ^ ‘ 'j^
countries. Apart f^m Egypt, andto a lesser extent ra ? ew of
to-day, to^maintai^their independence. ^Directly or .ndnectly Jey ^t r^y
sense of the rvord^ throughout the Arab countries including even Egypt,
a common an-uage (despite local forms and dialects), for the great majority
Lce“ t'heiZnon. a common religion (- h - b “^Vate'Se ~as
sectional differences) and a common culture ow “ c ® tempting
differences in development, education and sophistication). It would r»e remp
to add”that'there 6 was a common racial origin, but there is probably nothmg of
the kind On the other hand, Sunni Arabs regard themselves as foinnng one
large community, and, whether this sentiment is scientificallyjustifiable not,
thev are in consequence the main standard-bearers of pan-Arab idea .
' 7 As a result of these factors, of more extensive education and oi easier
communications, there is unquestionably a growing ®“ 0 f n fraa
Arab peoples. This sense of solidarity has been intensified m the case ot Liaq,
Svria and Palestine by the struggles of each country to gam its independence.
it has unquestionably been stimulated enormously in all Arab countries by tne
troubles in Palestine. But many national movements have been similai y
exploited and stimulated and are none the less real on that account. In the case
ofhhe Arabs this sense of solidarity may ultimately overcome, at am ate
temporarily, the personal jealousies of their rulers and politicians, as we as
narrower local patriotisms, just as German nationalism eventually led to the
German Empire P and the Third Reich, despite the opposition of the German
pnnces-V^nTarS ideas are beset by formidable obstacles, which
may be classified as the divergent interests of
(a) The rulers of the various States,
(b) France,
(c) Turkey, and
(d) Great Britain.
9 The jealousies among the rulers are intense. The strongest and most
influential man among them is Ibn Sand, although his territory is one of the
most backward and, until its oil and gold resources can be developed, certainly
also the poorest. Hb is determined that, if there is to be any outstanding leadei
among the Arabs, it shall be himself and no one else. He is particularly jealous
of the Hashimite family, which formerly ruled in the Hejaz and is now
represented in Iraq and Transjordan Used in three contexts: the geographical region to the east of the River Jordan (literally ‘across the River Jordan’); a British protectorate (1921-46); an independent political entity (1946-49) now known as Jordan , and the prospect of either the young King
Feisal II or the Emir Abdullah extending his rule over Syria or Palestine appears
to Ibn Saud as a direct threat to his interests. The Royal families in Iraq and
Transjordan Used in three contexts: the geographical region to the east of the River Jordan (literally ‘across the River Jordan’); a British protectorate (1921-46); an independent political entity (1946-49) now known as Jordan no doubt repay his dislike with interest. Moreover, tne E,mir
Abdullah and his relations in Iraq are rivals in various matters, especially that
of the nebulous throne of Syria. Another aspirant to leadership in the Arab
and indeed the Moslem world is King Farouk of Egypt, whose ambitions m the
direction of the Caliphate have already made him suspect to Ibn Saud at least.
The Imam Yahva of the Yemen is an old man to whom suspicion is second nature
and the mere suggestion of dependence or subordination an outrage Even the
little sheikhs of the Aden Protectorate and the Persian Gulf The historical term used to describe the body of water between the Arabian Peninsula and Iran. , although they may
not like British control for its own sake, prefer it to absorption by stronger
neighbours.^ . j oug . es ^ rll l e rs are reflected, though less strongly, in
their Governments. The Ministers and officials composing the Administration
of such a country as Iraq are like Ministers and officials elsewhere m that they
try to make the best political and economic bargains they can for the romniumty
which thev represent, without letting sentimental ideas about Arab brotherhood