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File 2182/1913 Pt 5 'Arabia Nejd: Policy Bin Saud' [‎324r] (223/308)

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The record is made up of 1 item (154 folios). It was created in 26 Dec 1915-12 Dec 1916. It was written in English. The original is part of the British Library: India Office The department of the British Government to which the Government of India reported between 1858 and 1947. The successor to the Court of Directors. Records and Private Papers Documents collected in a private capacity. .

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coasts are purely Arab Provinces and there is no difference between a
Moslem and a Phaistian Aral); they are both descendants of one forefather
We Moslems will follow the footsteps of the Commander of the Faithful—
Omni ibn Fhattab and othei C aliphs succeeding him, who ordained in ihe
laws of the Moslem faith that Moslems should treat the Christians as they
tieat themsehes. He, Omar, declared with reference to Christians, u they
will have the same privileges and submit to the same duties as ourselves.”
I hey will thus enjoy their civic rights in as much as it accords with the
general interest of the whole nation.
As the 1 lovinces of Irak are parts of the pure Arab Kingdom and
were in fact the seat of its Governments in the time of Ali Ibn Abu Talib,
and m the time of all Caliphs who succeeded him 5 and as in them began
the civilization of the Arabs, and as their towns in those provinces were the
lirst towns built in Islam where the Arab power became so great; therefore
these provinces are greatly valued by all Arabs far and near,’and their
traditions cannot be forgotten by them. Consequently, we cannot satisfy
the Arab nations or make them submit to give up such a title to nobility.
Hut in order to render an accord easy, and taking into consideration the
assurances mentioned in the fifth article of your letter, to keep and guard
our mutual interests in that country as they are one and the same, for all
these reasons we might agree to leave under the British Administration for
a short time those districts now occupied by the British troops, without the
rights of either party being prejudiced thereby (especially those of the Arab
nation, which interests are to it economic and vital) and against a suitable
sum paid as compensation to the Arab kingdom for the period of occupation,
in order to meet the expenses which every new kingdom is bound to
support, at the same time respecting your agreements with the Sheikhs of
those districts, and especially those which are essential.
(3.) In your desire to hasten the movement we see not only advantages
but grounds of apprehension.
The first of these grounds is the fear of the blame of the Moslems of the
opposite party (as has already happened in the past) who would declare that
we have revolted against Islam and ruined its forces. The second is that
standing in the face of Turkey, which is supported by all the forces of
Germany, we do not know what Great Britain and her Allies would do if
one of the Entente Powers were weakened and obliged to make peace. We
fear that the Arab nation will then be left alone in the face of Turkey
together with her Allies, but we would not at all mind if we were to face
the Turks alone. Therefore it is necessary to take these points into
consideration in order to avoid a peace being concluded in which the parties
concerned may decide the fate of our people as if we had taken part in the
war without making good our claims to official consideration.
(4.) The Arab nation has a strong belief that after this war is over, the
Turks under German influence will direct their efforts to provoke the Arabs
and violate their rights, both material and moral, to wipe out their nobility
and honour and reduce them to utter submission as they are determined to
ruin them entirely. The reasons for the slowness shown in our action have
already been stated.
(5.) When the Arabs know that the Government of Great Britain is their
Ally who will not leave them to themselves at the conclusion of peace in the
face of Turkey and Germany, and that she will support and will effectively
defend them, then to enter the war at once will, no doubt, be in conformity
with the general interest of the Arabs.
( 6 .) Our letter dated 29th Shawal 1333 (9th September 1915) saves us the
trouble of repeating our opinions as to Articles 3 and 4 of your honoured
last letter regarding administration, Government advisers and officials,
especially as you have declared, 0, Exalted Minister! that you will not
interfere with internal affairs.
(7.) The arrival of a clear and definite answer as soon as possible, to the
above proposals, is expected. AVe have done our utmost in making con
cessions in order to come to an agreement satisfying both parties. We know

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Part 5 concerns Britain's relations with Bin Saud [‘Abd al-‘Azīz bin ‘Abd al-Raḥmān bin Fayṣal Āl Sa‘ūd], and, to a lesser extent, Britain's relations with the Grand Sherif [Sharif] of Mecca [Ḥusayn bin ‘Alī al-Hāshimī]. It includes the following:

  • a copy of a treaty between the British government and Bin Saud, dated 26 December 1915, plus a copy of the ratified treaty, dated 18 July 1918;
  • reports of an agreement between Bin Saud and Bin Rashid [Saʿūd bin ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz Āl Rashīd];
  • details of munitions that are to be given by the British to Bin Saud;
  • translated copies of correspondence between the High Commissioner, Cairo, and the Grand Sherif of Mecca;
  • discussion as to whether the British should press Bin Saud to take specific action to assist both the British and the recently deposed Grand Sherif of Mecca;
  • details of Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Percy Zachariah Cox's meetings with Bin Saud.

The principal correspondents are the following:

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1 item (154 folios)
Written in
English in Latin script
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File 2182/1913 Pt 5 'Arabia Nejd: Policy Bin Saud' [‎324r] (223/308), British Library: India Office Records and Private Papers, IOR/L/PS/10/387/2, in Qatar Digital Library <https://www.qdl.qa/archive/81055/vdc_100034341126.0x00003b> [accessed 16 February 2025]

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