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Papers of the Interdepartmental Conference on Middle Eastern Affairs [‎33r] (65/290)

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The record is made up of 1 file (145 folios). It was created in 7 Jan 1919-7 Dec 1920. It was written in English. The original is part of the British Library: India Office The department of the British Government to which the Government of India reported between 1858 and 1947. The successor to the Court of Directors. Records and Private Papers Documents collected in a private capacity. .

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15
At Ellizabetpol is the headquarters of the Azerbaijan army, said to be 25,000
strong of all arms, but as yet I have not been able to obtain accurate information.
Once certain that they would not again be handed over to Russia, the Government
would probably demobilise their army and thus save money. It is a possible danger,
lying astride our lines of communication, but one on which I do not set much store at
present, and it would be advisable that a brigade of British troops should be
distributed between Elizabetpol, Shusha, and Lenkoran.
The following notes on the various populations may prove useful:—
Mussulman .—These may be divided into two parties, the followers of the Society
of “ Mussawat ! and the followers of “ Itikhat,’ or the Mussulman in Russia. The
former is Pan-Islamic, and has worked successfully against the Allies during the war.
It is now working in contact with many of the advanced Socialists, is strongly anti-
British, and it aspires to a Mussulman state from the Caucasus to India, through
Persia, Trans-Caspia, and Afghanistan. It is convinced that the British have come to
Trans-Caucasia to stay, with a view to stopping what they call the road to India.
Though strong in Azerbaijan, the society finds little support among the Mussulmans of
the Northern Caucasus. The party “ Itikhat ” maintains that no individual state in
the Caucasus can stand alone without some great protecting power. It looks to the re
establishment of Russia as their natural protector. The followers of this party consist
mostly of the trading and commercial elements, and for the time being are willing to
accept the assistance of the Allies. They are increasing in strength, but are becoming
less confident of the Allied policy, owing to the strong propaganda carried on in their
ranks by the Russian National Council, w r ho, fearing that we are going to support the
Azerbaijan claim to independence, are strongly against us.
Speaking generally, our presence is not acceptable to the Mussulman community
in Baku. The Mussulman, as a whole, is convinced that we are favouring the
Armenians.
Russians .—It seems correct to say that all sections of the Russian public resent
our presence. All seem to consider that we sholl eventually recognise the independence
of Azerbaijan. The large labouring community is very advanced Socialist, and
therefore mistrusts Great Britain. The counter-revolutionary elements are using this
force of labour to suit their own purposes. It must not be forgotten that Baku was
once a Bolshevist stronghold, and that, although the leaders left the town, the mob has
remained. Another disturbing element is the presence of some 7,000 Armenians and
Russians, who were formerly in the Red Army. The presence of General Bicharakov’s
army, and what he terms his fleet, is causing a considerable amount of unrest. His
policy is undefined, and his men have nothing to do. He poses as a representative of
Russia, which does not recognise him; he is not a follower of Denikin, but is
anti-Bolshevist. His personal friendship for the British has been of some assistance,
but, as we are now in stronger force, the time has arrived to get rid of him.
The Russian National Council is very bitter against the British. They refuse to
recognise the Azerbaijan Republic and to enter into the Ministry or Parliament. They
maintain that we should hold the country in trust for Russia. They will only enter the
Government with the assurance that Azerbaijan will be returned to Russia. They are
more inclined to support Denikin than Bicharakov. The Russian Society calling itself
the Slavonic Russian Society supports the Allies, and has representatives in the
Azerbaijan Government. It does not represent Russian opinion, and maintains that
Tartar rule is better than Bolshevist. Generally speaking, the Russian population is
anti-British, because they are at heart Bolsheviks. They would support Denikin only
as representing Russia against the Tartar, but they are strongly anti-monarchical.
* Armenians .—The Baku Armenian is a distinct disappointment. This is probably
due to the Socialism of the lower classes, who formerly joined the Bolshevists, and the
strength of the secret society Dachnachatsoum in the Armenian National Council.
They cannot forget the pas.t, and, being convinced of their own independence in
Armenia, are supporting Russia’s claim to Azerbaijan. They are working hand in hand
with the Russian National Council, and have no other object than revenge on the
Tartar.
Trade and Commerce .—The whole country is starving for supplies, and the first
necessities are clothing, boots, shoes, and every sort of household necessity and
machinery. The money crisis is such that even the wealthy are unable to find
sufficient cash to pay for their goods. Prices can be brought down solely by competition,
and, until this is brought about, labour unrest will continue as a fertile soil for Bolshevist
propaganda. Speculation and cornering of goods is the order of the day. Traders are

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Content

This file is composed of papers produced by the Foreign Office's Interdepartmental Conference on Middle Eastern Affairs. It consists entirely of printed minutes of meetings of the conference, most of which are chaired by George Curzon.

Those attending include senior representatives of the Foreign Office, the India Office The department of the British Government to which the Government of India reported between 1858 and 1947. The successor to the Court of Directors. (most notably the Secretary of State for India), the War Office, the Admiralty, the Air Ministry, and the Treasury (including the Chancellor of the Exchequer). Other notable figures attending include Harry St John Bridger Philby and Gertrude Margaret Lowthian Bell.

The meetings concern British policy in the Middle East, and mainly cover the following geographical areas: Mesopotamia, Kurdistan, Trans-Caspia, Trans-Caucasia, the Caspian Sea, Palestine, Persia, Hejaz, and Afghanistan. Some of the meetings also touch on matters beyond the Middle East (e.g. wireless telegraphy in Tibet, ff 79-80).

Recurring topics of discussion include railways (chiefly in relation to Mesopotamia), Bolshevik influence in the Middle East (particularly in Persia and Trans-Caspia), and relations between King Hussein [Ḥusayn bin ‘Alī al-Hāshimī] and Ibn Saud [‘Abd al-‘Azīz bin ‘Abd al-Raḥmān bin Fayṣal Āl Sa‘ūd].

Several sets of minutes also contain related memoranda as appendices.

Extent and format
1 file (145 folios)
Arrangement

The papers are arranged in approximate chronological order from the front to the rear of the file.

Physical characteristics

Foliation: the foliation sequence (used for referencing) commences at the first folio with 1, and terminates at the last folio with 145, these numbers are written in pencil, are circled, and are located in the top right corner of the recto The front of a sheet of paper or leaf, often abbreviated to 'r'. side of each folio.

Written in
English in Latin script
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Papers of the Interdepartmental Conference on Middle Eastern Affairs [‎33r] (65/290), British Library: India Office Records and Private Papers, Mss Eur F112/275, in Qatar Digital Library <https://www.qdl.qa/archive/81055/vdc_100070539234.0x000042> [accessed 9 June 2026]

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