Papers of the War Cabinet's Eastern Committee [‎202r] (403/544)

LOUD ROBERT CECIL : I should say to them, “ Go on.” I should say that
this is all subject to the principle ol the Anglo-French declaration, that our object is
not to annex any countries, but to set up native Governments. We regard that
principle as applying all through. Therefore only our position will be, if the native
Government asks for assistance once we have set it up, we must give it in all these
cases. Armenia is probably a special case where the French will have to take, as we
have in Mesopotamia, substantial control because of the local conditions. Normally,
wherever you can have a native Government, there is to be a native Government, and
the European Power is only to come in if asked. I should apply that to the St. Jean
de Maurienne agreement. I should say, “ Very well, by all means the Italians shall
have all the bit that is marked, but only on those terms. They are not to no in unless
they are asked."
MR. BALI OUR : And we are to go into Mesopotamia ?
LORD ROBP^Rl CECIL: We shall procure an invitation. As a matter of fact
we have been asked to go in.
MR. BALI OUR: then the Italians will say, “Is this the way you keep your
engagements ? 1 he idea was that we three Powers—at that time it was four, but
Russia is out of it—from the fall of the Turkish Empire were to get the same relative
advantage. We were all to share alike, roughly speaking, as far as that could be done.
We, the Italians ’ —I am now speaking for Baron Sonnino—“ observe the way you keep
that agreement, and you are going to stay, apparently permanently, and add to your
dominions one of the richest parts of the earth.”
LORD ROBER1 CECIL: May I interrupt? Our agreement of the Treaty of
London had nothing to do with the Turkish Empire, so far as the Italians were
concerned. Uiey were to have an equitable share in the Mediterranean.
.MR. BALI OUR : It was in consequence of the fall of the Turkish Empire.
LORD ROBERT CECIL : It is not a formal but a real thing. What they care
about is to be on equal terms with the French in the Mediterranean.
MR. BALFOUR : Still, if you will allow me to finish, you will see that the
Italians have not much reason to be pleased at the suggestion. We come out of it
apparently with something like permanent occupation—I do not know how to put it,
permanent control—over Arabia. The French come out of it with permanent control
over Syria and possibly Armenia* possibly the three republics. As to the Italians, you
are not going to allow them to have a permanent control over the South of Asia Minor.
Are you including Syria, because that brings in the Greek question ?
LORD ROBERT CECIL : No, not any control.
MR. BALFOUR : Then they will say, “ Where is the equality ? ”
LORD ROBERT CECIL : They chose to demand a country which was already
provided for. It is quite unsuitable for control, as there is a vigorous Turkish
population there.
LORD CURZON : After all, the Italians will get from the Alliance elsewhere
much more than they deserve.
MR. BALFOUR : If we are going by deserts !
LORD ROBERT CECIL : I do not think we are bound to do more than say—
“We, the English and the French, have made a declaration: that must apply
according to your own principles.”
MR. BALFOUR: They will say, with a certain amount of justice, “ Do you
mean to treat your declaration quite politely ? We think you are honest fellows,
although you deceive yourselves. is your declaration different from the declaration
about Egypt, and is the fate of Mesopotamia going to be different from that of Egypt ? ”
1 hope and think it is, but I am not at all sure. But I am quite confident that they
will be sure.
LORD ROBERT CECIL: So far as Mesopotamia is concerned, there is a good
deal to be said for your view. If I were talking to Baron Sonnino I should say, “ It
will very likely turn out that we shall have to exercise control for a long time there
because there is not a real possibility of a native Government for the moment. As to