Papers of the War Cabinet's Eastern Committee [‎171r] (341/544)

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further question arises ; if she were willing to assume responsibility for Armenia, would
she be willing to let it carry with it responsibility for the Caucasus ? I can give no
opinion about that because I do not know, but I shall argue presemly that the two are
really inseparable aspects of the snme problem.
The other great Power whose name is mentioned is the United States of America.
Here we have what I called at the beginning the smaller issue of relief. About that
I will wait for the Foreign Office to give their opinion, although, in my own mind, I
have very little doubt that in the peculiar and distressing circumstances of the case we
are bound to take assistance for the Armenians from almost any trustworthv quarter
from which it is offered. The question as regards the American offer is complicated by
the apprehension entertained in very responsible quarters that verv much more lies
behind it. We have good reason to believe that the Committee of Union and Progress
at Constantinople—who are still more or less in power, and certainly have not been
dethroned, who are wholly to be distrusted, who are endeavouring at every stage to
escape from the conditions of the armistice, and who have to be most carefully
watched—have devised a plan of escaping from what they think would be the worse
fate that may befall them at the hands of Great Britain and France, by placing their
interests in the hands of President Wilson and the United States of America. Indeed,
we have heard of this body at Constantinople, and of nine newspapers in its
pay, who are definitely putting forward a case that not merely Armenia, but
the whole of the oppressed nationalities hitherto under the rule of the Turks
should be taken over by the United States of America; that the latter Power
should be invited to be the mandatory for all these countries ; that they should pro
visionally occupy and administer these territories for a term of years; and that
eventually when the Constituent Assembly, which is supposed to be the solution of all
these problems, is set up, and a national Government evolved, the United States of
America should retire. It is not surprising to hear that when a proposal ot this sort is
put forward, many others receive it with the greatest suspicion. I have seen in the
Foreign Office papers a letter from Dr. Weizmann, the spokesman of the Jews, who
regards these proposals as being of a most sinister character, and who tells us that this
great organisation with a missionary and humanitarian fapade is really political and
commercial in its essence, and that in the background of the proposals to give relief
and succour to suffering peoples is a desire to secure concessions, to get hold of the
copper mines, and so on, and to acquire a predominant material and commercial interest
for America in Asia Minor.
These, I think, are the main features of the case as they present themselves to us
to-day. I have given this little exordium by way of clearing the ground, and I think I
had better now ask the Foreign Office to state their case with regard to American relief,
and what is the line they propose to adopt.
LORD ROBERT CECIL : I do not think it is worth spending much time on the
question of American relief. I agree with Lord Curzon that we cannot possibly refuse
the offer. I do not see that it can do any harm. I do not myself anticipate there is
very much behind it, but even if there is, 1 do not think we can possibly reject it. I
do not think it is arguable myself, and that is the view of the Foreign Office.
SIR LOUIS MALLET : Mr. Balfour thinks that we ought to say that we are
quite ready to welcome it, if the French agree.
LORD ROBERT CECIL: In view of the Sykes-Picot Agreement we think the
French ought to be consulted. What Mr. Balfour proposed to do was to send a tele
gram to the Americans to say that so far as we were concerned we had no objection,
but that we thought that they ought to consult the French before they acted, and
leaving it to the Americans to consult the French.
LORD CURZON : There are two points of view that we must hear something
about. There is the military point of view ; l daresay General Thwaites will have
something to say upon that. Then there is the food point of view, and Sir John Beale
has come here to speak to us about that. I think there is something from the War
Office which indicates that they look upon the proposal with some suspicion. Is that
so, General Thwaites ?
GENERAL THWAITES: Only with reference to the commercial interests.
There was a telegram the other day which has been circulated.
LORD ROBERT CECIL : I have not seen that. I am afraid I only see a part of
the Papers now.