'Military report on Tehran and adjacent Provinces of North-West Persia (including the Caspian Littoral)' [‎114r] (232/610)

Administration.
Pre-revolution 193-5—Post revolution. Central Government
(Tehran) theory of constitution 196, the Shah 196, cabinet
1J6-8, Senate 198, Majlis 198—Constitutional Government in
practice 199-202, Senate, 199, Majlis 199, Shah 201, Cabinet
201, breakdown of constitutional regime 201-2—Foreign inter-
\ v ntion and foreign officials for assistance in the adminis-
Uation 202-5 Provincial administration 205-25, general ad
ministration of provinces 205, provincial administration in
detail 207-9, table of provinces in this area with administrative
details 210-25—Finances of Persia, foreign indebtedness and
financial position of Persia 226-7, financial administration
in theory 228, in practice 229, revenues 229-31, land tax
230, Crown lands 230, Customs 231, opium and tobacco
•excise duties 232, Posts, telegraphs, leases 232, administration
•of Justice, pre-revolution 233, post-revolution 234, practical
working of, 235, foreigners and law 235, foreign representa
tives 236.
Pre-Revolution.
Previous to the revolution of 1906-9, the Shah of Persia, like
the Sultan of Turkey, was a mediaeval despot, but in practice
the Shah s power was less absolute as he possessed no religious
authority and the Mujtahids, religious leaders, under the guid
ance of Najaf and Kerbela were independent of him.
Public opinion, as distinct from religious opinion, carried
no weight, and government, legislative, executive, and judicial
was performed by the Shah, the “king of kings”, and his
1 Vizir in Tehran, and by their nominees the governors in the
provinces or Satrapies into which the country has been divided
from time immemorial. The Government was carried on by
“ the arbitrary exercise of authority by a series of units in a
descending scale from the sovereign to the village £ kadkhuda,’
the only check on the lower officials being fear of their superiors,
on the higher officials fear of the Shah, and on the Shah respect
for foreign opinion.”
The only democratic element in this regime was that the
2 Vizir was usually a man of 3 humble origin; to obviate danger
1 27 Subordinate Vizirs in Tehran possessed no initiative.
2 He often bore the title of Sadr-a’zam.
3 e.g. Mirza Taqi Khan, Amir-i-Nizam, who was Nasir-ud-Din Shah’s first
and greatest Vizir, was the son of a cook.