'Military report on Tehran and adjacent Provinces of North-West Persia (including the Caspian Littoral)' [‎108v] (221/610)

182
Their Adminis
trative and
Public Func
tions.
The religious leaders became an independent power in the
state looking to Najaf and Kerbela for guidance, and a check
to the absolute power of the Shah and his representatives, the
provincial governors.
In 1892 the popular agitation which compelled Nasir-ud-
Dln Shah to rescind the Tobacco Regie Monopoly was raised
by a Mujtabid of Najaf. (See page 16.)
In the Constitutional movement of 1906-1909 they played
a prominent part. Their adhesion to Constitutionalism was
due not to progressive ideals, which are inconsistent with the
maintenance of their own position and corruption, but to their
apprehension at the growth of foreign influence and financial
control arising from the loans contracted by MuzafFar-ud-Din
Shah from Russia and Great Britain.
Shaikh Fazlullah Nuri, an influential Mujtahid of notor
iously bad character and a supporter of Muhammad AH Shah,
was arraigned before the Majlis and hanged in 1909, an event
without parallel during the monarchical regime, and significant
that the Constitutionalists would not be priest-ridden. In
1911 also Haji Mirza Abul Qasim, the Imam Ju’meh of Tehran,,
was dismissed by the Constitutionalist leaders as a reactionary.
Priestly sacrosanctity also did not protect Haji Mirza Muhsin,
the most influential Mujtahid in Tehran, who was murdered in
1916 for being pro-British.
At the present time the democratic party regards the priest
hood as reactionary and has considerably lessened their in
fluence in the cities, especially in Tehran, where the opening
of schools and spread of education are incompatible with their
old position.
Persians generally are not fanatical nor prone to introduce
religion into political issues, but the cry of religion, if once
raised by the Mujtahids, is still a powerful weapon and silencer
of opposition in the hands of a political party. The power
of the clergy, although less than under the despotism, is still
very great, especially in the country districts, and the fact that
40 per cent, of the members of the 3rd Majlis (1914-15) were
clerics is testimony both to their influence and to their in
terest in politics.
The stronghold of the Mujtahids’ influence is their position
as interpreters of the religious law “ Shar’ ”, which is the basis
of judicial procedure in Persia.
Under the despotism the customary or “Secular” law,
“ Urf ”, was administered by the governors but all cases falling
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