Coll 28/97 ‘Persia. Diaries. Tehran Intelligence Summaries’ [‎227r] (453/749)

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THJ8 DOCUMENT IS THE PROPERTY OF HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY’S GOVERNMENT
PERSIA.
SECRET.
[E 7036/422/343
November 10, 1944.
.1 Section 2.
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Copy No.
R. Bullard to Mr. Eden. —10^^
HIS Majesty’s representative presents his compliments to His Majesty’s
Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and has the honour to transmit
herewith a copy of Intelligence Summary No. 42 for period the 30th October
to the 5th November, 1944, compiled by the military attache to this legation.
Tehran. §th November. 1944.
125
Enclosure.
Military Attache's Intelligence Summary No. 42 for the period the 30£A October
to the 5th November, 1944.
(Secret.) *—
Persian Affairs.
Political.
1. Until the middle of the week Russian incitement of the press and the
Tudeh party to agitate in favour of the granting to Russia of a concession for
the exploitation of oil continued. Demonstrations were organised in Tabriz,
Ardebil, Qasvin, Resht, Bandar Shah, Pahlevi, Meshed, Isfahan and Sultanabad
—that is, wherever the Tudeh party had the necessary influence. In Tabriz
the mob tried to rush the police headquarters and was fired on, one man being
killed and a few wounded. Russian troops intervened and allowed neither the
police nor Persian military patrols to interfere with the mob; moreover, they
prohibited the carrying of arms in the town by any member of the Persian forces,
and officers carrying arms were prevented from leaving their barracks. The com
mander of the Persian troops was given twenty-four hours to leave the town. At
Resht also the Persian police were similarly prevented from taking any measures
to restore order. In Isfahan and Sultanabad, where there are no Russian troops,
the demonstrations were tame and the small crowds, who when they were first
collected had no idea that they were to demonstrate in favour of an oil concession
to the Russians, soon dispersed. From the other towns concerned reports have
not yet been received.
2. Towards the end of the week, however, there were indications that the
Russians were shifting their ground, perhaps even seeking means of easing
the difficult situation they had created by breaking off relations with the Persian
‘ Government. They have perhaps realised that, not only are the mass of the
Persian people opposed to the granting of this oil concession, but that they
were being antagonised and disillusioned, where there had been illusion, by
the methods adopted by the Russians. Twenty-eight of the newspapers published
in Tehran, including most of the less disreputable ones, have announced their
support of the Prime Minister’s policy. In spite of the rigorous refusal of
the Russian members of the Allied censorship to allow the despatch of any
messages giving the Persian Government’s version of the matter, the Persian
case has been published in London, and this may have had something to do with
the change of tone of the Soviet authorities. The Soviet Embassy has perhaps
realised that it is unlikely that any Prime Minister dare now suggest compliance
with the Russian demand, and that may be wdiy Russian propaganda has now
changed its tone. It has ceased to lay stress on the advisability of the Soviet
being given the oil concession. Russian displeasure is represented as being, not
with the Government’s decision to postpone consideration of applications for
oil concessions until after the war, but with the Prime Minister’s alleged pre
varications. Russia, it is said, had asked for this concession to prevent Sa’ed
giving it into hands that might prove dangerous to Russia in the future.
[59—88]