Coll 6/43 'Pan Arab Congress 1933. Attitude of H.M.G. to a Pan Arab Movement' [‎436r] (872/1144)

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Both on treaty grounds, however, and on grounds of imperial policy, it is
important to us that Koweit should not he absorbed by either Saudi Arabia or
Iraq. Similarly, as regards Bahrein, apart from our treaty obligations to protect
the sheikh against aggression, it would be definitely against British interests
that the islands should be absorbed by either Saudi Arabia or Persia. King
"'^Ibn Saud has already, by article 6 of the Treaty of Jedda, specifically recognised
the special relations of His Majesty’s Government with the Arab States of the
Persian Gulf The historical term used to describe the body of water between the Arabian Peninsula and Iran. , and is not likely, therefore, to seek to annex Bahrein. Meanwhile,
it is one of our main objects in our negotiations with Persia to obtain a similar
recognition by Persia of our special relations with Bahrein, &c., and the
abandonment of the antiquated Persian claims both to Bahrein and to certain
other Arab islands in the Gulf. In these circumstances it would clearly be
impossible for His Majesty’s Government to acquiesce in the incorporation of
any of the smaller independent Arab States, whether in the Persian Gulf The historical term used to describe the body of water between the Arabian Peninsula and Iran. or in
Southern Arabia, in a wider Arabian political combination.
9. Meanwhile, in the north and west, any project for Arab unity in any
practical sense of the term must come into conflict with the mandatory system
in the French Levant A geographical area corresponding to the region around the eastern Mediterranean Sea. States and in Palestine, with all that that system implies.
The French, even if they were prepared to agree on certain conditions to the
emancipation of the State of Syria proper, have made it clear that they have no
intention of relinquishing their hold on the predominantly Christian State of
the Lebanon, or, for the present at any rate, on the curious non-Arab enclave An area of land belonging to one country and entirely surrounded by land of just one other country.
of the Jebel Druse. His Majesty’s Government are equally precluded from
allowing Palestine to be absorbed in any way in any kind of predominantly Arab
union, if only in view of their deep commitment to the policy of the Jewish
national home, quite apart from their obligations to the other non-Arab or
non-Moslem communities and interests in Palestine proper.
10. From the point of view of practical politics, therefore, the question of
Arab unity resolves itself into the possibility of some kind of combination
between Iraq, Transjordan Used in three contexts: the geographical region to the east of the River Jordan (literally ‘across the River Jordan’); a British protectorate (1921-46); an independent political entity (1946-49) now known as Jordan and the State of Syria.
11. As regards Transjordan Used in three contexts: the geographical region to the east of the River Jordan (literally ‘across the River Jordan’); a British protectorate (1921-46); an independent political entity (1946-49) now known as Jordan (the union or combination of which with Iraq
would at first sight seem easiest, since Transjordan Used in three contexts: the geographical region to the east of the River Jordan (literally ‘across the River Jordan’); a British protectorate (1921-46); an independent political entity (1946-49) now known as Jordan is at present a purely Arab
State, and since its ruler is the brother of King Feisal), an initial difficulty is
presented by the fact that Transjordan Used in three contexts: the geographical region to the east of the River Jordan (literally ‘across the River Jordan’); a British protectorate (1921-46); an independent political entity (1946-49) now known as Jordan is covered by the mandate for Palestine,
of which it technically forms an integral part. It would therefore be necessary,
before any effective combination between Transjordan Used in three contexts: the geographical region to the east of the River Jordan (literally ‘across the River Jordan’); a British protectorate (1921-46); an independent political entity (1946-49) now known as Jordan and Iraq could be brought
about, that His Majesty’s Government should arrange for the release of
Transjordan Used in three contexts: the geographical region to the east of the River Jordan (literally ‘across the River Jordan’); a British protectorate (1921-46); an independent political entity (1946-49) now known as Jordan from the mandate. Transjordan Used in three contexts: the geographical region to the east of the River Jordan (literally ‘across the River Jordan’); a British protectorate (1921-46); an independent political entity (1946-49) now known as Jordan does not, however, at present fulfil
any of the conditions which have been laid down by the League of Nations as
justifying the release of a territory from the mandatory regime. Even if
Transjordan Used in three contexts: the geographical region to the east of the River Jordan (literally ‘across the River Jordan’); a British protectorate (1921-46); an independent political entity (1946-49) now known as Jordan did to some extent fulfil these conditions, a factor which might
militate against her liberation from the mandate is the possibility that there may
at no distant date be a Jewish settlement in Transjordan Used in three contexts: the geographical region to the east of the River Jordan (literally ‘across the River Jordan’); a British protectorate (1921-46); an independent political entity (1946-49) now known as Jordan . While there can be no
question of extending to Transjordan Used in three contexts: the geographical region to the east of the River Jordan (literally ‘across the River Jordan’); a British protectorate (1921-46); an independent political entity (1946-49) now known as Jordan the articles of the Palestine mandate which
relate to the establishment of the Jewish national home, the existence of a Jewish
minority in Transjordan Used in three contexts: the geographical region to the east of the River Jordan (literally ‘across the River Jordan’); a British protectorate (1921-46); an independent political entity (1946-49) now known as Jordan would certainly increase the difficulties in the way of
bringing the mandatory regime in that territory to an end.
12. As regards the State of Syria, there is no doubt that the French are
seriously contemplating the possibility of its emancipation, and that King Feisal
of Iraq, and Arab nationalists generally both in Iraq and in Syria itself, are
considering the possibility of a union of Syria and Iraq, perhaps under the
rulership of a single individual. There are, however, various grave difficulties
and objections to such a project.
13'. In the first place, the French are unlikely to release their hold on Syria
completely. Even if Syria were to be released from the mandate, it is probable
that the mandate would be replaced by a Franco-Syrian Treaty of Alliance on the
lines of the Anglo-Iraqi Treaty of 1930. The position would then be that the
Svrian portion of the new State, or confederation, whether it took the form of a
republic or of a monarchy, would be bound to France, and would remain under
predominantly French political and cultural influence, while the Iraqi portion
would be bound to this country under the Anglo-Iraqi Treaty of 1930 and would
remain under predominantly British influence. This might well lead to a
situation of international rivalry which would produce serious international
complications.
[8732] B 2