Coll 6/43 'Pan Arab Congress 1933. Attitude of H.M.G. to a Pan Arab Movement' [‎275v] (551/1144)

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and Palestine, without Syria, would not be very natural. In short, there ts
nothing inherently permanent about most of the present boundaries of the Arab
countries Apart from Egypt, and to a lesser extent Iraq, few of them correspond
to natural geographical or economic divisions. A tendency to rearrange their
political divisions and groupings in future years is only, therefore, to be expected.
5. Small States find it increasingly difficult, moreover, in the world of
to-day, to maintain their independence. Directly or indirectly they must rely
upon the aid and support of some more powerful neighbour. A single large
State could aspire with greater prospects of success to independence in the fullest
sense of the word.
6. Finally, there is throughout the Arab countries, including even kgypt,
a common language (despite local forms and dialects), for the great majority,
except in the Lebanon, a common religion (which upon the whole transcends
sectional differences) and a common culture (all allowance made for vast
differences in development, education and sophistication). It would be tempting
to add that there was a common racial origin, but there is probably nothing of
the kind. On the other hand, Sunni Arabs regard themselves as forming one
large community, and, whether this sentiment is scientifically justifiable or not,
they are in consequence the main standard-bearers of pan-Arab ideals.
7. As a result of these factors, of more extensive education and of easier
communications, there is unquestionably a growing sense of solidarity among the
Arab peoples. This sense of solidarity has been intensified in the case of Iraq,
Syria and Palestine by the struggles of each country to gain its independence.
It may also have been exploited by political leaders for reasons of their own, and
it has unquestionably been stimulated enormously in all Arab countries by the
troubles in Palestine. But many national movements have been similarly
exploited and stimulated and are none the less real on that account. In the case
of the Arabs this sense of solidarity may ultimately overcome, at any rate
temporarily, the personal jealousies of their rulers and politicians, as well as
narrower focal patriotisms, just as German nationalism eventually led to the
German Empire and the Third Reich, despite the opposition of the German
princes and Austrian politicians.
8. But meanwhile all such ideas are beset by formidable obstacles, which
may be classified as the divergent interests of—
(a) The rulers of the various States,
(b) France,
(c) Turkey, and
(d) Great Britain.
9. The jealousies among the rulers are intense. The strongest and most
influential man among them is Ibn Baud, although his territory is one of the
most backward and, until its oil and gold resources can be developed, certainly
also the poorest. He is determined that, if there is to be any outstanding leader
among the Arabs, it shall be himself and no one else. He is particularly jealous
of the Hashimite family, which formerly ruled in the Hejaz and is now
represented in Iraq and Transjordan Used in three contexts: the geographical region to the east of the River Jordan (literally ‘across the River Jordan’); a British protectorate (1921-46); an independent political entity (1946-49) now known as Jordan , and the prospect of either the young King
Feisal II or the Emir Abdullah extending his rule over Syria or Palestine appears
to Ibn Saud as a direct threat to his interests. The Royal families in Iraq and
Transjordan Used in three contexts: the geographical region to the east of the River Jordan (literally ‘across the River Jordan’); a British protectorate (1921-46); an independent political entity (1946-49) now known as Jordan no doubt repay his dislike with interest. Moreover, the Emir
Abdullah and his relations in Iraq are rivals in various matters, especially that
of the nebulous throne of Syria. Another aspirant to leadership in the Arab
and indeed the Moslem world is King Farouk of Egypt, whose ambitions in the
direction of the Caliphate have already made him suspect to Ibn Saud at least.
The Imam Yahya of the Yemen is an old man to whom suspicion is second nature
and the mere suggestion of dependence or subordination an outrage. Even the
little sheikhs of the Aden Protectorate and the Persian Gulf The historical term used to describe the body of water between the Arabian Peninsula and Iran. , although they may
not like British control for its own sake, prefer it to absorption by stronger
neighbours.
10. The jealousies of the Arab rulers are reflected, though less strongly, in
their Governments. The Ministers and officials composing the Administration
of such a country as Iraq are like Ministers and officials elsewhere, in that they
try to make the best political and economic bargains they can for the community
which they represent, without letting sentimental ideas about Arab brotherhood