Scrapbook of newspaper cuttings about Afghanistan [‎124v] (256/312)

A letter from Teheran, dated the 7th ult, in the Deutsche Zeitung, says
that the Persian Government is watching with great anxiety the develop
ment of affairs in Afghanistan, but that it is entirely dependent for news
on the wandering dervishes or merchants, as there is no postal communi
cation between the two countries. " The Shah is well aware that a wir
between England and Afghanistan would have serious consequences for
Persia, and he fears to be himself drawn into the conflict. ... At the
same time it is the general opinion here that such a war will be sooner
or later inevitable, and the Persian merchants have consequently almost
ceased to despatch their goods to Afghanistan. The Government, too, is
strengthening its garrisons on the Afghan frontier, as during the war of
% 1 838-42 several Afghan nomadic tribes made raids into the Persian frontier
districts, murdering and robbing their inhabitants News has
arrived here from Herat that the Russian Embassy at Cabul will shortly
visit several of the chief Afghan towns in order to obtain information as
to their industry and trade, and especially as to the feeling of the popu
lation. The Russians have considerably strengthened their flotilla on
the Sea of Aral, and have begun to erect fortresses on the borders of
Kashgar."
THE OVERLAND MAIL.
The Indian papers brought by the Bombay Mail of September 26 state that
at that date the Afghanistan question occupied the foremost place in public
attention. The Bombay Gazette says :—
The policy which the Government of India ought to adopt is much discussed, a
powerful section of politicians contending that nothing will ever thoroughly secure India
but the occupation of Jellalabad, Herat, the Bamian Pass (that is, the only road from
Bokhara to Cabul), and Cabul itself. Sir Neville Chamberlain's mission is still at
Peshawur ready to start for Cabul as soon as final instructions are received from the
Viceroy. The Viceroy's messenger is said to have been well received by the Ameer.
News has been received of the arrival of the Nawab An honorific title; an official acting as a provincial deputy ruler in South Asia; or a significant Muslim landowner in nineteenth century India. Gholam Hussein Khan at Cabul on
the 10th inst. He was hospitably received and entertained on the road and at Cabul, :
and on the 12th inst. had a private interview with the Ameer, at which he delivered
the Viceroy's letters. The Mir Akhor is believed to be the bearer of the Ameer's instruc
tions regarding the mission, and is hourly expected at Ali Musjid. The mission is at
Peshawur awaiting the Mir Akhor's communication ; the Khyberee headmen are also at
Peshawur. A khillat (that is, a State present) is being prepared by the Government of
India for the Ameer of Cabul. The Russians are said to have given him already a
particularly handsome khillat.
The banquet given at PeterhofF, Simla, on the 14th inst., in honour of Sir Neville
Chamberlain and the Cabul Mission, appears to have been interesting and impressive as
became a grave occasion, and the close proximity of events which touch our national
fortunes to the quick and must give a decided bent to the flow of Indian politics in one
direction or another. The Viceroy bade God-speed to his departing guest in that earnest,
nervous, half-impassioned language of which he is so complete a master. Sir Neville
replied, as a soldier should, in a few modest and unstudied sentences. Few and modest
as they were, they inspired his audience with the conviction that a mission calling so
imperatively for all the aid that tact, insight, judgment, dignity of manner, and a spirit
tempered to a heroic calm, could not have been entrusted to fitter hands than his.
The same paper says that the information received by telegraph in India
that the Times had published an article stating that the time had come
when native chiefs like Scindiah and Holkar must be content either with no
army at all or an army which shall constitute a wing of British troops, has been
received with great satisfaction in India. The Bombay paper says :—
Anglo-Indian politicians who have placed the interests of England on a higher level
than the interests of native chiefs have long contended that the native armies, numbering
fully 350,000 men, are a curse to the country, because they eat up the resources of the
people and are of no earthly use beyond being instruments to feed the pride, and possibly
foster the ambition, of native princes. We say of no use, because as England guarantees
the integrity of each native State, no native prince has an enemy against whom he can
employ his forces or from whom he can defend himself. Moreover, these armies, laden as
they are with the disaffected vagabondage of India, and the most atrocious scoundrels
of the Mutiny period, are a source of political weakness to England, for, in any
great crisis such as that of 1857, she would always have to fear the injuries which
native States with powerful armies might do her. Some time ago a circular was
surreptitiously published which purported to be instructions from the Government of
India to political officers in native States to " suggest " to the chiefs that their armies
should be cut down to the dimensions actually necessary for the performance of mere
civil duties. The circular was discredited by the Government of India, which said
that it had no intention of cutting down the armies of the native feudatories. The Times
(which, as usual, has doubtless received its inspiration from the India Office The department of the British Government to which the Government of India reported between 1858 and 1947. The successor to the Court of Directors. ) has, how
ever, revealed the Government of India's real intentions. Seeing that the native armies
could not be cut down without raising an immense outcry about infringed rights and
offended dignity, the Viceroy has diplomatically resolved to let the armies stand as they
are, but to insist that they shall be at least partially officered by British officers and
amalgamated with British troops. The amalgamation is a mere matter of detail, but
there is probably no important military station in India where feudatory armies could
not be constantly brigaded with European troops and taught to believe that they are
part of an Imperial force instead of the mere ornamental appendages of a native durbar A public or private audience held by a high-ranking British colonial representative (e.g. Viceroy, Governor-General, or member of the British royal family). .
The Lahore paper, writing on the same subject, says :—
In the event of hostilities with Cabul, it is a moot question whether the best portion
of the forces of some of the great feudatories of the British Government could not be
utilized with good political effect. Of course, in considering the question there is a good
deal to be said both in favour of and against it. There is no doubt, however, that great
chiefs like Scindia, with martial proclivities and aspirations, would highly appreciate
military employment of this kind, and that it would be wisely politic to give them an
opening for the outlet of unwholesomely suppressed martial ardour, and at the same
time to thus help in actively employing, on our side, the numerous restless, adven
turous, and discontented characters for whom our regular army affords no congenial
1 field of employment, and who therefore wander about and seek military service
in native States, and are prone to render themselves dangerously troublesome
in disturbed times. The old Khalsa soldier of the former Sikh Government has not
yet died out, and the best specimens of him will be found preferentially seeking service
in native States. There are many in the Jummoo territory, in the Cis-Sutlej protected
Sikh States, and even as far so uth an d down country as Hyderabad in the Deccaa.
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A letter from Teheran, dated the 7th ult, in the Deutsche Zdtung, says
that the Persian Government is watching with great anxiety the develop
ment of affairs in Afghanistan, but that it is entirely dependent for neivs
on the wandering dervishes or merchants, as there is no postal communi
cation between the two countries. " The Shah is well aware that a wir
between England and Afghanistan would have serious consequences for
Persia, and he fears to be himself drawn into the conflict ... At the
same time it is the general opinion here that such a war will be sooner
or later inevitable, and the Persian merchants have consequently almost
ceased to despatch their goods to Afghanistan. The Government, too, is
strengthening its garrisons on the Afghan frontier, as during the war of
1838-42 several Afghan nomadic tribes made raids into the Persian frontier
districts, murdering and robbing their inhabitants News has
arrived here from Herat that the Russian Embassy at Cabul will shortly
visit several of the chief Afghan towns in order to obtain information as
to their industry and trade, and especially as to the feeling of the popu
lation. The Russians have considerably strengthened their flotilla on
the Sea of Aral, and have begun to erect fortresses on the borders of
Kashgar."
THE OVERLAND MAIL.
The Indian papers brought by the Bombay Mail of September 26 state that
at that date the Afghanistan question occupied the foremost place in public
attention. The Bombay Gazette says :—
The policy which the Government of India ought to adopt is much discussed, x.
powerful section of politicians contending that nothing will ever thoroughly secure India
but the occupation of Jellalabad, Herat, the Bamian Pass (that is, the only road from
Bokhara to Cabul), and Cabul itself. Sir Neville Chamberlain's mission is still at
Peshawur ready to start for Cabul as soon as final instructions are received from the
Viceroy. The Viceroy's messenger is said to have been well received by the Ameer.
News has been received of the arrival of the Nawab An honorific title; an official acting as a provincial deputy ruler in South Asia; or a significant Muslim landowner in nineteenth century India. Gholam Hussein Khan at Cabul on
the 10th inst. He was hospitably received and entertained on the road and at Cabul,
and on the 12th inst. had a private interview with the Ameer, at which he delivered
the Viceroy's letters. The Mir Akhor is believed to be the bearer of the Ameer's instruc
tions regarding the mission, and is hourly expected at AH Musjid. The mission is at
Peshawur awaiting the Mir Akhor's communication ; the Khyberee headmen are also at
Peshawur. A khillat (that is, a State present) is being prepared by the Government of
India for the Ameer of Cabul. The Russians are said to have given him already a
particularly handsome khillat.
The banquet given at Peterhoff, Simla, on the 14th inst., in honour of Sir Neville
Chamberlain and the Cabul Mission, appears to have been interesting and impressive as
became a grave occasion, and the close proximity of events which touch our national
fortunes to the quick and must give a decided bent to the flow of Indian politics in one
direction or another. The Viceroy bade God-speed to his departing guest in that earnest,
nervous, half-impassioned language of which he is so complete a master. Sir Neville
replied, as a soldier should, in a few modest and unstudied sentences. Few and modest
as they were, they inspired his audience with the conviction that a mission calling so
imperatively for all the aid that tact, insight, judgment, dignity of manner, and a spirit
tempered to a heroic calm, could not have been entrusted to fitter hands than his.
The same paper says that the information received by telegraph in India
that the Times had published an article stating that the time had come
when native chiefs like Scindiah and Holkar must be content either with no
army at all or an army which shall constitute a wing of British troops, has been
received with great satisfaction in India. The Bombay paper says :—
Anglo-Indian politicians who have placed the interests of England on a higher level
than the interests of native chiefs have long contended that the native armies, numbering
fully 350,000 men, are a curse to the country, because they eat up the resources of the
people and are of no earthly use beyond being instruments to feed the pride, and possibly
foster the ambition, of native princes. We say of no use, because as England guarantees
the integrity of each native State, no native prince has an enemy against whom he can
employ his forces or from whom he can defend himself. Moreover, these armies, laden as
they are with the disaffected vagabondage of India, and the most atrocious scoundrels
of the Mutiny period, are a source of political weakness to England, for, in any
great crisis such as that of 1857, she would always have to fear the injuries which
native States with powerful armies might do her. Some time ago a circular was
surreptitiously published which purported to be instructions from the Government of
India to political officers in native States to " suggest " to the chiefs that their armies
should be cut down to the dimensions actually necessary for the performance of mere
civil duties. The circular was discredited by the Government of India, which said
that it had no intention of cutting down the armies of the native feudatories. The Times
(which, as usual, has doubtless received its inspiration from the India Office The department of the British Government to which the Government of India reported between 1858 and 1947. The successor to the Court of Directors. ) has, how
ever, revealed the Government of India's real intentions. Seeing that the native armies
could not be cut down without raising an immense outcry about infringed rights and
offended dignity, the Viceroy has diplomatically resolved to let the armies stand as they
are, but to insist that they shall be at least partially officered by British officers and
amalgamated with British troops. The amalgamation is a mere matter of detail, but
there is probably no important military station in India where feudatory armies could
not be constantly brigaded with European troops and taught to believe that they are
part of an Imperial force instead of the mere ornamental appendages of a native durbar A public or private audience held by a high-ranking British colonial representative (e.g. Viceroy, Governor-General, or member of the British royal family). .
The Lahore paper, writing on the same subject, says :—
In the event of hostilities with Cabul, it is a moot question whether the best portion
of the forces of some of the great feudatories of the British Government could not be
utilized with good political effect. Of course, in considering the question there is a good
deal to be said both in favour of and against it. There is no doubt, however, that great
chiefs like Scindia, with martial proclivities and aspirations, would highly appreciate
military employment of this kind, and that it would be wisely politic to give them aa
opening for the outlet of unwholesomely suppressed martial ardour, and at the same
time to thus help in actively employing, on our side, the numerous restless, adven
turous, and discontented characters for whom our regular army affords no congenial
field of employment, and who therefore wander about and seek military service
in native States, and are prone to render themselves dangerously troublesome
in disturbed times. The old Khalsa soldier of the former Sikh Government has not
yet died out, and the best specimens of him will be found preferentially seeking service
in native States. There are many in the Jummoo territory, in the Cis-Sutlej protected
Sikh States, and even as far south and down country as Hyderabad in the Deccaa.
The Berlin correspondent of the Times thus summarizes two articles
which he previously translates from the Golos:—
They are neither more nor less than a condensed retrospect of the past, and a
stereoscopic shadowing forth of the future. The rayahs, said to be the daily sport
of Turkish assassins and thieves, were found to be so very well off as to astonish
the poor moujiks sent to deliver them. The atrocities once declared a proof of
the inveterate savagery of the unspeakable Turk r are now represented as a desperate
means to repress rebellion adopted by a warlike, hard-bested race, fighting
for life. After these admissions as regards the past, we have the cool statement
that, the Turk being recognized as a respectable fellow by the suddenly illumined
Rnss, every effo rt is made to convert him into the ally of his late would-
be exterminator. The means used, as we know from other sources, is to represent to the
successor of the Caliph that, having satisfied Russia in Europe, there is no occasion for
him to be at the expense and trouble of obliging England in Asia. This much being
done to deprive England of her European ally, we are further treated to the avowal
that to cripple British action in Europe entirely an Afghan complication is purposely
got up by sagacious diplomatists on the Neva. And, as if all this were not enough to
unveil the momentous objects pursued, this suite of confessions is closed by the
remark that Russia has a destiny to work out in Asia which, unfulfilled after centuries
of annexation, will only show its true bearing when in the future fresh events happen.
For the present, it is significantly added, Russia is not in a position to wish to fight
England chiefly in Asia. Indeed, if her business can be done by the Ameer in Asia and
the Sultan in Europe, why need she fight at all ?
It is added that " the Turkish alliance is suddenly advocated along the
whole line of the Russian press. It is almost superfluous to observe that
the move is accompanied with attacks upon Austria. If the Sultan can j
be led to see things from the Russian point of view, the national Slavonic
armoury may once more be made available for weapons against Austrian
competition." I