'Papers Respecting the Slave Trade on the East Coast of Africa and the System Pursued for its Suppression' [‎44r] (27/72)

most in request. It is the very coin of the country. There cannot be a doubt that were
there facilities for regular trade, there might be an almost boundless demand for such
goods; but the Slave Trade makes it impossible. If we can rely upon the statements
both of officials at Zanzibar and travellers in the interior, the supply of the Zanzibar
markets requires a sacrifice of from 100,000 to 200,000 lives a year, and vast districts of
the interior are kept in a state of insecurity that renders industry hopeless.*
Again, the natural channel for trade with the interior is the Zambesi, but this is
rendered useless. General Rigby says of that river:—
" At the Portuguese Settlements the Slave Trade is carried on in the most shameless
manner, all the Portuguese authorities aiding and abetting it, and dividing their nefarious
gains, "f
They well know that legitimate trade would injure it, and do all in their power, and
with complete success, to hinder the former. Their treatment of ships from Natal has
already occupied the attention of the Foreign Office.
Now if we look to the Island and Harbour of Zanzibar we find a rapidly increasing
trade, which amounted in 1859 to 1,664,000/4 The town contains large and prosperous
European firms, and also many thousands of British subjects from India, through whose
hands passes nearly all the trade of the port, and who are rapidly acquiring all the wealth
and property of the island. (Rigby, pages 4 and 5.)
The following passages show how much their interests are compromised by the
piratical Arabs, whose only object is to carry on the Slave Trade:—
" During their presence Zanzibar resembles a city with a hostile army encamped in its
neighbourhood. Every person who is able to do so sends his children and young slaves
into the interior of the island for security. People are afraid to stir out of their houses
after dark, and reports are daily made of children and slaves kidnapped; and in the
suburbs of the town they enter the houses and take the children away by force,"§
Captain Bedingfied writes :—
" By British protection alone is the Sultan kept on his Throne." " As soon as
the Northern Arabs arrive, the people confine themselves to their houses." ''They
have complete command of the place, and were it not for the fear of the men-of-war, the
lives of the British subjects would never be safe."||
In this state of things it is necessary to keep a naval force to maintain order and to
protect British interests. This is a duty that must devolve upon our fleet; and I venture
to point out that it would effect a distinct saving of naval expenditure to put an end to
the Slave Trade at once, rather than to suffer it to continue, and, at the same time, to
maintain a force to guard against one of its collateral evils.
But we cannot check it while the existing Treaties remain in force. By them our
ships are prevented from seizing slavers along 420 miles of coast.Sultan Syud Majid
offers** to give up"the Treaties, and I cannot but hope that Her Majesty's Government may
be able to accept his offer. The only objection arises from the condition that he makes,
viz., that we will cease to compel him to pay the subsidy of 40,000 dollars a-year to
Sultan Syud Selim of Muscat. It is not pretended that we have any interest in this
payment, but it is supposed by some that the Indian Government have guaranteed it.
1 cannot believe that the Governor-General ever incurred so great a risk, and there is
strong ground for believing that he purposely avoided doing so.
In 1860, Brigadier Coghlan was sent out to investigate the merits of the dispute
existing between the Sultans of Muscat and Zanzibar. After careful examination, and
according to his instructions, he proposed terms of arbitration in four clauses, the third
and fourth involving the payment of the subsidy.ft He then proceeds to say tha^,
possibly, Sultan Majid may hereafter object to pay the subsidy, and in order to meet this
contingency he proposed two more clauses.
On turning to the Resolution of the Honourable Board, dated 4th February, 1861,
page 131, paragraph 16, I observe that the terms proposed by the first four clauses were
adopted, but that the subsidiary clauses 5 and 6 were rejected without any reason
* Lieutenant-General Rigby's Report on Zanzibar, and Slave Trade Papers, 1867, Class A, Inclosure 5 in
No. 76.
t Report on Slave Trade, by Brigadier Coghlan, paragraphs 5 and 8. (This Report has been moved for in
the House of Lords, but never presented.
^ Report on Zanzibar, by Lieutenant-Gereral Rigbv, p. 21.
^ Report on Slave Trade, by Brigadier Coghlan, paragraph lb'.
|| Slave Trade Papers, 1867, Class A, No. 76
Slave Trade Papers, 1861, Class B, No. 89; 1867, Class A, No. 81, Class B, Inclosures 1 and 3 in
No. 120.
** Slave Trade Papers, 1867, Class B, Inclosures 1 and 3 in No. ]20.
ft Proceedings of Committee, page 76, paragraphs 46 and 47.