أوراق مكتوبة بالآلة الكاتبة وأوراق مطبوعة لمجلس الوزراء وأوراق برلمانية عن الأحداث في مصر [ظ‎‎٩‎٣] (٥٢٠/١٨٦)

| overed by their ranks, Egypt passed scathless through that period of ordeal. Her
losses were inconsiderable; her debt was not increased; her wealth is now greater than
be tore the war, whilst economic paralysis lies heavy on most other lands. It is
not wise tor her people to overlook these facts or forget to whom they are owed.
But tor the power exerted by the British Empire in the war, Egypt must have become
a field of action between contending forces, which would have trampled on her rights
and destroyed her prosperity. But for the victory of the Allies, she would not now
i>e a nation claiming sovereign national status in lieu of the protectorate of a foreign
1 ower. I he freedom which she enjoys and the prospect of higher freedom to which
she aspires she owes alike to British statesmanship and British arms.
^ His Majesty’s Government are convinced that the close coincidence of interests
'etween Great Britain and Egypt which has made their association so mutually
^eneficial in the past is the key to the relationship which they should still maintain.
Now. as in the past, the British Empire has to shoulder ultimate responsibility for
the defence of your Highness’s territories against external menace, as also for such
assistance as your Highness’s Government may at any time request in the mainten
ance of your authority at home. It must claim, moreover, the exclusive right of
tendering such advice as your Highness’s Government may require in the administra
tion ot the country, the conduct of its finances, the development of its judicial system
and the pursuance of its relations with foreign Governments. These claims are not,
however, asserted with any desire to derogate from Egypt’s enjoyment of the full
rights oi national self-government. They are pressed only as against other foreign
Powers; and they are based upon the fact that the independence, good order and
prosperity ot Egypt are an essential element in the safety of the British Empire.
His Majesty s Government regret that throughout the negotiations your Highness’s
delegation made little practical advance towards recognition of the British Empire’s
just title to these exclusive rights and responsibilities.
I he treaty provisions which His Majesty’s Government consider necessary to
maintain these rights and cover these responsibilities were formulated in the
draft proposals which Adly Pasha will communicate to your Highness.
Of these the most essential are those relating to British troops. His
Majesty s Government gave most careful consideration to the arguments
advanced by the Egyptian delegation on this subject, and were unable to
accept them. Neither the present condition of the world nor the course of events in
Egypt since the armistice permits of any modification at this time in the disposition
of the British forces. Egypt, it is necessary to repeat, is a part of the Empire’s
communications. Scarcely a generation has passed since she was rescued from
anarchy, and there are signs that the extremer elements in the Nationalist movement
are even now capable of plunging her back into the abyss from which she has so
recently been raised. The anxiety of His Majesty's Government on this point has
heen aggravated by the unwillingness of your Highness’s delegation to recognise that
the British Empire must have firm guarantees against any such menace to its
interests. Until such time as Egypt s record gives confidence in her own guarantees,
the British Empire must maintain sufficient guarantees itself. Of these the presence
of British troops in Egypt is the first and foremost. His Majesty s Government
cannot waive or weaken it.
They repeat, however, with emphasis that their claims in this respect are not
intended to involve the continuance of an actual or virtual protectorate. On the
contrary, the ideal which they have sincerely at heart is that of an Egypt enjoying
the national prerogatives and international position of a sovereign State, but closely
wedded to the British Empire by a treaty guarantee of common aims and interests.
With this end in view, they proposed to terminate the protectorate forthwith, to
recognise Egypt as “a sovereign State under a constitutional monarchy,” and to
substitute for the present relation between the Empire and Egypt “ a perpetual
treaty and bond of peace, amity and alliance." Their hope was that Egypt, with a
reconstituted Ministry of Foreign Affairs, would at once have despatched her own
representatives to foreign courts; and they would readily have supported an applica
tion on her part for admission to the League of Nations. The Egyptian nation
would have thus secured at once the powers and privileges of a sovereign State
The rejection of these proposals by your Highness’s existing Government creates
a new situation. It will not affect the principle of British policy, but it necessarily
reduces the measures which can now be carried out. His Majesty’s Government
therefore desire to state clearly where they stand.
With regard to the immediate present, they cannot give effect to their proposal®
without the consent and co-operation of the Egyptian nation; but they maintain the