"الملف 73/7 I (D 19) وضع الكويت، سكة حديد بغداد، والمفاوضات الأنجلو تركية في ١٩١١" [ظ‎‎١‎٧‎٠] (٦٣١/٣٧٤)

Pasha-Konia-Erpgli sections do not ^
Chamber would doubtless be based on the contention • ti(ication for assigning
r,ir; 4 s;.riri.^—nntioi:».«■ „
be inferior 10 tint ol other non-Otlom.o., oinplotl with " th „
Majesty's Government, and forwarded in my despatch No, 139 of the l s \-" ar f • ^
the Ottoman Government's share should be 40 per cent, does not seem to a'tor,! much
scope for obtaining such control of the Bagdad-Gulf line as would compen, at. ... ....
consent of a free-trade country like England to the 4 per cent cnsUuns increase, and
the surrender of our position in Koweit. A combination >>y which ue ' , <jr ^
Government's share should he reduced to 10 per cent., and that of Germany, ranee
and England increased to 30 per cent.—the Anglo-French share being Urns greater
than that of Turkev and Germany combined—might afford a more satisfactory oasis,
especially if Turkey consented to recognise our position in Bahrein and Aatar.
Prominent Germans here have recently been hinting that the ' uiks wi.i h-ivi f'' <if i
any arrangement come to between Berlin and London, iollowing tin - analogy of no
Potsdam interview, and that we perhaps could secure a more satislactory arraiigenieiil
by unofficial pourparlers with Germany. I understand that my German colleague,
Baron Marschall, is proceeding to Berlin in a few days, and that he intends impressing
on Herr Kiderlen-Waechter the desirability of Germany unofficially approaching
England, with a view to a friendly solution. On the other hand, the present Turkish
Cabinet feel that the Potsdam interview, where matters Turkish were discussed without
previously consulting the Ottoman Government, was a severe blow to the latter, and
they are anxious at least to appear to come* to a settlement of Persian Gulf matters
with England direct. At the same time, the proviso that in the event of the failure to
form the new "international Bagdad-Gulf company, the German company should be
reinstated in her rights under the original concession, would seem to point to Germany's
desire to be prepared for all eventualities, e.f/., the breakdown of the Anglo-Turkish
negotiations on the subject. It is said that one of Germany's main objectives in all
these negotiations is to obtain free access to the Pans money market.
On general grounds it would seem that the removal of the mam causes of nvalrv
and friction between Germany and England and France here, if not in a wider sphere,
would be to the benefit of all parties concerned. Turkey has always traded on the
dissensions between internal Ottoman elements, and on the discords and jealousies of
uc v^rea owers. _ ^en Cxreel^s, Bulgarians, and Albanians have latelv shown signs
that fhp^mp t ay f di .f 1 ens I ions ' aIld it might be to the general interest
ttters^r ^TngTu ^r 4 P ' raanifeSted " ^ intemational s P llereiD
nesotiatiL 'with ^f ] ? ipa , ted , that the German company will now lose no time in
egotiatmg with imkey for the construction of the Xhanikin branch.
I have, &c.
GERARD LOWTHER.
Enclosure in No. 1.
Extract from the " Stamboul " of March 20, 1911.
La nouvelle Convention.
I r - — JlICUI —
ija somme a paver a In
"ss isasssi rsii