"ملف 61/11 IX (D 159) مسائل متنوعة خاصة بالحجاز ونجد" [ظ‎‎١‎٢] (٣٩١/٣٥)

time desire closer union or some form of federation, Great Britain would
consider this to be a question for negotiation and decision among the Arab
States themselves. Certainly the Government have no intention of taking an^
initiative in this question, more especially as it will scarcely be piacticabie for
Palestine or Syria to participate in a federation for a considerable time. It is
possible, however, that your Majesty, in framing this question, was thinking less
of federation than of the future status of Transjordan. I he Government of the
United Kingdom cannot tie their hands in regard to a question for which they
are responsible to the League of Nations, by giving undertakings abou: this
question to third parties. But should the possibility arise of changes in Trans-
jordan, they will certainly remember that any changes in a neighbouring
territory of this kind must always be of especial interest and concern to your
Majesty and will take this factor into account in framing their policy.
With regard to the suggestion that the two countries should decide before
hand on the attitude to be adopted towards a third State whose policy may affect
our common interests, the Government of the United Kingdom, w T hi]e they would
welcome mutual consultation on such points as may arise, feel that in view of
the impossibility of foreseeing what action a third State may take in the future,
it would be unwise and dangerous for the two Governments to attempt now to lay
down a common policy to meet all eventualities. I would, however, say this. Any
action which tends to weaken the position of Great Britain in the Middle East
must inevitably tend to expose the Middle Eastern Powers to greater danger
than at present, for none of those Powers as yet possess the military and other
resources necessary to make an effective stand against any Power which was
able to usurp the place of Great Britain in the Middle East. No other Power
is likely to fill the place of Great Britain without wishing to acquire extensive
rights of interference in the political and, more especially, the economic affairs
of the Middle Eastern countries, and the best service which those who have the
interests of the Middle Eastern States at heart can render to those States is to
persuade them to discourage firmly all activities, such as the dissemination of
propaganda, which are likely to undermine the position either of Great Britain
or of Erance. This is, however, a point upon which I may not have wholly
grasped your Majesty's meaning, and if your Majesty would care to make further
suggestions through Sheikh Hafiz Wahba or Sir Reader Bullard the Government
of the United Kingdom will be most happy to consider them.
Finally, your Majesty requests a definition of the meaning and extent of the
Anglo-Italian Agreement of the 16th April, 1938. This agreement is an agree
ment between Great Britain and Italy alone. No other Power is asked to
lecognise or to be bound by it. The relations between Great Britain and Saudi
Arabia are therefore governed by their treaties and by their friendship alone,
and the Anglo-Italian Agreement does not indicate the slightest pretension on
t e part of the Government of the United Kingdom to restrict the liberty of
action of Saudi Arabia. I am prepared, if your Majesty thinks it desirable,
to reply more fully on this point m answer to the note verbale handed to
bir Reader Bullard on the 13th November, 1938.
I would conclude by assuring your Majesty once again how highly the
Government of the United Kingdom value the relations of confidence that so
happily exist between your Majesty and Great Britain. I have little doubt that
Vl ; 1 - lr a J® s y wi J share my view, that this confidence and the clear community
S f f ,i exlSl t ; vee !' O" 1 " two countries are the best assurance for the
maintenance of those good relations on which both countries so greatly depend.
, , ^' s Royal Highness to convey to your Majesty, with my
^ compliments, my sincere good wishes for your long life and prosperity.
I have, &c.
NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN.