"مذكرات الحرب. مقر قيادة الجيش، الهند. [...] قوة المشاة الهندية «د». المجلد ٥٢. الجزء II. (من ١٦ إلى ٣٠ نوفمبر ١٩١٨.)" [و‎‎١‎٨‎٠] (٥٥٨/٣٦٨)

The?e Shaikhs already constitute an informal divisional council. They spoke
their mind freely and showed evidence of apprehension at the trend of the Anglo-
Trecch declaration of November 8th. There appears to be a widespread belief
that it is a preliminary to handing hack the country to the Turks or to some
equivalent form of Oriental Government. Mv assurance that this was not
intended was greated with enthusiasm. One of the oldest Shaikhs who was
fighting against us two years ago declared (i Eraq is the Arab bride of the British
Government: long illtreated by her former husband, the Turk : she never wants
to see him again. She has seen affection and good treatment from her new
spouse and wishes for nothing better than to continue to live under his protec
tion. His declaration was greeted with every mark of enthusiastic concurrence.
On my return I visited Qalat Sikar Hai and Kute where similar views
appeared to prevail.
Working copy (advance copy for information) to G. S. (M. 0. 1).
Copy to M. S. C., G. S. (M. 0.3).
APPENDIX 487.
DIARY No. 94929.
Telegram R., No. 10031, dated 20th November 1918.
(Despatched 1-00 p.m.; received 11-45 a.m,, 21st November 1918.)
(Received in War Section, 26th November 1918.)
Prom—The Political Resident in the Persian Gulf, Baghdad,
To—His Majesty’s Secretary of State for India.
(Repeated Secy, to the Govt, of India, F. & P. Dept., Delhi.)
Your telegram of November 18th (Diary No. 93366).
I understand H. M.’s Government recognise the advantages both of the
perpetuation of the administrative connection of Mosul and Baghdad and of
establishment of effective British control of Iraq as outlined in my telegram
3G5 (N. R. W. S). and 9926 (Diary No. 93059) of November 16th, though
btter telegram had doubtless not been received or considered when telegram
under reply was written.
t
The question now for consideration is whether such a scheme can or should
be woven into comprehensive arangements conceived by Colonel Lawrence.
I am convinced this is not possible and that policy suggested is totally
impracticable and unsuited to conditions of Mesopotamia. I believe it would
be easier to put a similar scheme into effect among races of Europe than to
make a success in Arabia of these proposals which appear to me to ignore alike
Muhammedan historical and geographical divisions.
I have already emphasised absence of any connection between Mesopotamia
and rest of Arabia and necessity of discussing Mesopotamian problem
independently on its merits. I have stated that Mesopotamian Arabs will not
tolerate domination of foreign Arabs. The argument applies with double
force to Jews and Christians who (particularly the former) are numerous and
powerful and would indisputably demand and probably secure consular
protection and consequent maintenence of the capitulations with their
attendant evils.
Accepance of policy of effective British control of Iraq involves
substantial modification of Anglo-Erench proclamation which will doubtless
create certain amount of resent nent among small political minded Muhammedan
section in Baghdad who have been busily engaged since November 10th in
spreading stories of the return of Turkish rule or its Arab equivalent and have
thereby aroused already an amount of apprehension and unrest which bodes
ill for future of any such scheme. If such British control was coupled with
introduction of a foreign pupet ruler as suggested this class would have
strong weapon for seditious propaganda and would certainly use it. It must
be borne in mind that nothing but political power exclusie of outside elements
will satisfy ambitions of this class.
Similarly objections to introduction of foreign rules can he urged in case
of Mosul. I would therefore urge that His Majesty’s Government, if they
wish to promote welfare of people of Mesopotamia and value adherence to spirit
underlying Anglo-Erench declaration to exclude this country definitely once for
all from any contemplated Sheriffian settlement and from further discussion in
that connection our past conversations with Sheriff notwithstanding.
Our moves are being watched carefully by a critical audience and any
movement capable of being attributed to political motives rather than desire
for welfare of Mesopotamia will evoke bitter condemnation.
I note that status proposed for Sheriffian rulers is not specified but this is a
minor matter compared with above-mentioned objections to essential portion
of proposal.
.80