"مذكرات الحرب. مقر قيادة الجيش، الهند. [...] قوة المشاة الهندية «د». المجلد ٥٢. الجزء II. (من ١٦ إلى ٣٠ نوفمبر ١٩١٨.)" [و‎‎٤‎٩] (٥٥٨/١٠٦)

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APPENDIX 342.
DIARY No. 93054.
Special Telegram R., No. 9017, dated 16th November 1918.
(Despatched 11-55 p. m. ; received 10a.m., 17th November 1918.)
• (Received in War Section, 20th November 1918.)
From—The Political Resident in the Persian Gulf, Baghdad,
To— The Secretary of State for India.
(Repeated the Secretarv to the Government of India in the F. and P. Dept., Delhi.)
Your telegram of November 14th (Dy. No. 93053). /
Following points for inter-Allied Conference respecting Arabia are put
forward for considration.
1. Independence of Najd Hasa Sofuf to be recognised.
2. Biitish protector over ^Bahrein, and truciai coast, to be specifically
recognised. If this recognition can be extended to include comprehensively
Muscat and Oman Koweit all the better. Protectorate is not inconsistent with
iullest local autonomy as at present enjoyed. Our Gulf treaties published and
confidential to be laid before Peace Conference. I myself incline to the view
that it would clear the air, and be for the best in long run, if our treaties with
Shaikh Muhammerah were also communicated.
3. Our de facto position in Gulf, e.g., in matter of lighting and buoying
to be recognised. J -n
4. Question of Muscat and general question of arms traffic will doubtless
not to be overlooked.
Working copy to G. S. (M. O. 1).
Copy to M. S. C.
APPENDIX 343.
DIARY No. 93059.
Telegram R., No. 9926, dated 16th November 1918.
(Despatched 5-15 p.m. ; received 12-45 a.m., 17th November 1918.)
(Received in War* Section, 20th November 1918.)
From—The Political Resident in the Perisan Gulf, Baghdad,
To— The Secretary of State for India, London.
(Repeated the Secretary to the Government of India (F. and P. Dept.), Simla,
iour telegram of November 14th (Dy. No. 9 053).
156 C. G S.
I should not be doing my duty if I did not first of all record my conviction
that the Anglo-French Declaration of November 8th, in so for as it refers
to Mesopotamia, bids fair to involve us in difficulties as great as Sir A. H.
Mac Mahon’s early assurances to Sheriff of Mecca. It is for legislators of
His Majesty’s Government on the spot to make the best of the situation
created by this Declaration and as Government is aware, I am trying to do so,
hut unless latter is superseded or modified by a pronouncement of the Peace
Conference, I anticipate that m years to come, we shall he faced wita
alternative of evading the spirit whilst perhaps keeping within the letter
of this Declaration, or setting up a form of Government which will negative
ordered progress and will gravely embarrass efforts of European Powers to
introduce stable institutions in Middle East.
Declaration involves us here on the spot in diplomatic insincerities which
We have hitherto successfully avoided and places a potent weapon in the
hands of those least fitted to control a Nation’s destinies.
I would emphasise almost entire absence of political, racial or ot,he r
connection between the Mesopotamia and the rest of Arabia. If the future
status of this country T s to be dealt with successfully, it must I am convinced to
be treated independently of Arab problems elsewhere.
Arabs of Mesopotamia will not tolerate that foreign Arabs should have any
say in their affairs whether they come from Syria or from the Hedjaz. la
practice they dislike and distrust both. National unity means for them united
Mesopotamia and not united with either Syria or Hedjaz. So, too, they
resent importation of social or administrative institutions or methods that
s avour of India. ,
Average Arab, as opposed to handful of amateur politicians of Baghdad,
sees the future as one of fair dealing and material and moral progress under
the aegis of Great Britain but (? but is) of clear sighted enough to realise that
he would lose rather than gain in national unity if we were to relinquish
effective control. He will learn more quickly than the Indian. But he is still
far behind him in education and experience. Irrespective of this, tribal element
is a constant potential source of dissension and grave public insecurity. Nor
can we afford to ignore mutual contempt and jealousy which exist between
townsmen and tribesman.
^ With experience of my political officers behind me I can confidently
declare that, country as a whole neither expects nor desires any such sweeping
scheme of independence as is adumbrated if not clearly denoted in Anglo"
French declaration.
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