الملف ٥٣٧\١٩٢١ الجزء ٢ "بلاد فارس: النفط - تطوير شركة النفط الأنجلو-فارسية لحقول نفط جديدة؛ الحفر للتنقيب عن النفط في دشت قيل؛ اتفاقية شركة النفط الأنجلو-فارسية مع خانات القشقولي" [ظ‎‎٢‎٣‎١] (٢٥٤/١٣٤)

4
imnrapticable to negotiate agreement with his knowledge and advice. Failure
to keep Local Government informed of such important negotiations during
their pro-ress has placed me in embarrassing position with Persian Government
and appears to have provided Soulet with a serviceable weapon of intrigue and
ground on which to base a misrepresentation of facts.
mu on wniuii ^
Before I take firm line with Persian Government which its discourteous
accusations against British officials seems to call for, I must be able to reply to
its allegations based on information received from Karguzar that e^-Lieutenant
of the South Persia Bifles, who appears to have been put in charge of a force of
15 men for protection of Company’s employees and property, has been furnished
with («) 3' ,000 rounds of ammunition, (6) 30 horses, (c) 10,000 Tomans in
cash, (d) instructions to levy 300 riflemen.
, {ct) inscruuuuiia icvj
You are doubtless aware of Oil Company’s wishes to purchase 300 rfles
from South Persia Rifles.
Please enable to reply.
Telegram P., No. 203, dated the 14th November 1921.
Prom— Chick, Shiraz,
To—His Majesty’s Charge d'Affaires, Tehran.
All four telegrams exchanged between the Governor-General and Prime
Minister on the subject of the Kashkuli agreement have now been shown to
me by His Imperial Highness* assistant. Telegram from Prime Minister
principally repeats misrepresentatio s made by Sardar Ashair : it contains
suggestion that Persian Government should be paid by Anglo-Persian Oil
Company to provide guards (a practice certainly not in vogue at other sites
which Company are exploiting), and also ridiculous statement that Kashkulis
in locality are few in number. As Company may find nothing after drilling
for years, Prime Minister might be also disabused of his idea that there is
already well of oil, and told that there is nothing but desert and stones.
Amrullah Khan, who is in charge of oil-guard, is a son of former repre
sentative of Qasbqai tribe in Majlis at Tehran (Haji Muhammad Karim Khan).
Soulet-ud-Doulah hates this branch, and this summer appropriate^ a village
of theirs in Sarhad. Amrullah was only Qashqai Khan to serve in South Persia
Rifles and enlist men ; all last year Sardar Ashair was in consequence urging
him to desert and threatening him unless he did. His training and loyalty
therefore should give him in our eyes all more title to the position. It was
largely due to influence of his brothers and himself, who are strong Anglo
philes, that rest of Khans combined for agreement, and during past three years
they have done more for Company’s surveys and all the others,
These facts probably account for the attack by Soulet-ud-I)oulah on oil-
guard arrangements in particular.
Private information given me by Governor-General is to effect that
10,000 Tomans were given by Soulet to his emissary to Tehran (Ghulam
Hussain Khan) for bribing members of Majlis and Ministers: subsequently
"~ a P jjar, who is crony of Qawam-us-Sultaneh, was appointed by
Sardar Ashair to watch and further his interests This was, of course prior
to agreement being made, and Sardar Ashair at the time was chiefly occupied
with Qawam s attitude towards him and securing his own safety. But is
it not probable that sole agitation by Persian Government and others is for
interest of Sardar Ashair, and as set-off for bribes, etc P Had an agreement
been negotiated with him, I question whether single word of protest would
Lave been uttered by present Cabinet. 1
Consequently I venture to think that we should treat this episode as a
manoeuvre of Sardar Ashair, pure and simple, and take our stand on offer made
aL D on rtL ol to satlsf y at a subsequent meeting, and
£1“: bj C0 “ P “ J ^ “ ,, “ h ' rh »“ "ttin
are obh^l ln^^ Anglo-Persian Oil Company, no more than any merchant,
are obliged to communicate to Persian Government their business deals.
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