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By political considerations, I refer to the regard which now has to be paid to foreign
opinion, chiefly British public opinion, both in view of the closer relationship wdth
other countries which is becoming necessary, but much more as a result of the
signature of the Treaty of Jedda; the right of manumission may be included under
this heading. The preventive measures referred to may be divided into those taken
(1) in the countries of origin; these do not concern this memorandum; (2) en route,
to prevent slave-traders reaching the African coast; and, particularly, (3) in the
Red Sea. I will comment on (2) and (3) later.
19. The declaration of the King as embodied in the Treaty of Jedda was a great
step forward. Although he has done nothing as yet to implement his undertaking—
an undertaking given, be it noted, in exchange for material advantages to be gained,
the very fact that he is committed to do so has introduced an element of insecurity
into the ownership of slaves, and has made it a doubtful investment to buy them.
Also, so far as the big centres of slavery—Jedda, Mecca, Taif, and even Medina—
are concerned, the possibility that a slave can at any time achieve manumission
without difficulty at the British Legation makes would-be purchasers hesitate to pay
the prices which are demanded.
20. I have referred above, in connexion with the political considerations which
militate against the practice of keeping slaves, to the exercise of the right of manu
mission. There are one or two aspects of the matter worth more particular mention.
21. Although the letters on the subject exchanged between the late Sir Gilbert
Clayton and the King on the conclusion of the Treaty of Jedda may be regarded as
consecrating an existing right, which thus rests on firmer ground than previously,
the position now is in one respect weaker. In article 1 of the Treaty of Jedda the
complete and absolute independence of the King’s dominions was recognised. In
view of this stipulation, it appears to me to be more than doubtful whether, if the
occasion arose, jurisdiction could now properly be claimed by the Legation over
refugee Sudanese or Takruni slaves, even if there were no major political objections
to claiming such a right. This leaves the door open for trouble if the local
authorities desired to be obstructive. It is easy for the owner or for the Hejaz
authorities themselves to accuse a slave of crime and to demand his trial and punish
ment; the Hejaz Government would, of course, claim jurisdiction. Accusations
have, in fact, frequently been made in the past, but, so far, they have either been
easily disproved, or else it has been possible to find a solution without raising
questions of principle. Although in one case, in 1927, a slave accused of theft was
temporarily and as a private arrangement handed over to the Hejaz authorities for
trial under guarantees, matters were so arranged that the case was dismissed and
the slave was brought back to the British agency. It might be no easy matter,
however, in certain circumstances to insist on guarantees, and to protect a slave,
if handed back to the Hejaz authorities for trial, from the barbarous penalties which
are still sometimes enforced. It might even be difficult to get him back at all.
22. I have stated above that nothing positive has been done by the King so tar
to co-operate in the suppression of the slave trade. Nevertheless, it must. 1 think,
be attributed in the main to his attitude, though it is a negative one, that no serious
opposition, veiled or otherwise, on the part of the Government or of the local officials,
except on one or two occasions when their own private interests have been affected,
has obstructed the exercise of this right by the British Legation; it would have been
an easy matter to create trouble. Credit for this is largely due to the Governor of
Jedda, who is invariably helpful, and to Munshi Ihsanullah, the Indian vice-consul,
who has always succeeded in carrying matters through without a hitch, and, even in
the difficult cases when slaves have taken refuge at the Legation but have not wished
to be repatriated, has by tact and persuasion managed to secure their manumission
by their owners. I should also like to acknowledge here the assistance which has
always been rendered by the commissioner at Port Sudan, and which has made the
disposal of slaves an easy matter.
23. The exercise of the right of manumission, a fact which is thoroughly w T ell
known in Arabia, is, I think, a guarantee for the good treatment of slaves who live
within reach of the British Legation as well as being a general preventive measure
discouraging slave owning. The statistics of the manumission and of the
repatriation of slaves by this Legation form, so to speak, a barometrical gauge of
their treatment. One point which has struck me since I have been here is the verv
small number of slaves, comparatively speaking, who take refuge. The figures for
the last four years are as follows: 16 female and 24 male in 1926, 4 female and
36 male in 1927, 12 female and 27 male in 1928. and 6 female and 15 male in 1929.