تقرير البعثة الخاصة إلى مصر بقيادة اللورد ميلنر، وأوراق ذات صلة [و‎‎١‎٤‎٧] (٤٧٣/٢٩٦)

7
The “ special position ” which Great Britain occupies in Egypt dates from her
intervention in 1882 to restore order during the Arabi rebellion—an intervention in
which the other Powers, though invited, declined to participate. This threw upon her
responsibilities which she could not decline, and which could only be discharged by
the occupation of the country, until at least there was a reasonable certainty that order
would be maintained and the lives and property of foreign residents rendered secure.
But at that time it was the declared intention of the British Government to evacuate the
country so soon as these objects were accomplished, and in 1887 Sir Henry Drummond
Wolff was despatched to Constantinople to prepare the way for evacuation. He drew
up a Convention with the Sultan whereby Great Britain agreed to withdraw her troops
from Egypt at the end of three years provided that there was then no new danger,
external or internal, to require their retention, and provided further that she should
have the right of reoccupying the country if any such danger arose. It was only at
the last moment that the Sultan under foreign pressure withheld his signature and the
negotiations fell through.
But, though Great Britain remained in Egypt, she did nothing during the next
twenty-seven years either to legalise her own position or to disturb the theory that
Egypt was an autonomous nationality under the suzerainty of the Sultan of Turkey.
Egypt was in theory governed by the Khedive, the Council of Egyptian Ministers,
the Egyptian Legislative Council and Assembly ; and the British Representative was in
name merely “ Agent and Consul-General,” the exponent, like the Representatives of
other Powers, of the views and wishes of his Government to the Government of Egypt.
Though, in virtue of the Army of Occupation and of the numerous duties and
responsibilities which circumstances gradually imposed on him, he came to be the real
arbiter of the country, he was always studiously careful to observe this theory, and the
observance of it was regarded by Egyptians as an implied pledge that the occupying
Power did not intend to impair the national status of their country.
It was also so regarded by foreign Powers, and when the Anglo-French Agreement
of 1904 was concluded, a declaration was signed in London to the following effect: —
“ His Britannic Majesty’s Government declare that they have no intention of
altering the political status of Egypt. The Government of the French Republic,
for their part, declare that they will not obstruct the action of Great Britain in
that country, by asking that a limit of time be fixed for the British occupation or
in any other manner.”
This understanding would no doubt have served for all practical purposes, if
European peace had been maintained. But with the outbreak of war and the entry of
Turkey into the war on the side of the enemy, questions of extreme difficulty arose.
Egyptians were nominally subjects of the Sultan of Turkey, owing allegiance to him
and not to the British Crown. This was obviously an intolerable situation. But the
mere abolition of Turkish suzerainty by an act of war would have deprived Eg}^pt of
any definite status and left her in the position of a former Turkish dependency in the
hands of Great Britain. This difficulty might, of course, have been summarily disposed
of by the annexation of Egypt to the British Empire, but the British Government
deliberately chose a less drastic course which would afford security to Egypt, while
leaving the principle of an Egyptian national entity unimpaired. This was to place
Egypt under the protection of Great Britain. A proclamation was accordingly issued
in the Official Journal on the 18th December, 1914 :—
“ His Britannic Majesty’s Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs gives notice
that in view of the state of war arising out of the action of Turkey, Egypt is placed
under the protection of His Majesty, and will henceforth constitute a British
Protectorate.
‘‘The suzerainty of Turkey over Egypt is thus terminated, and His Majesty’s
Government will adopt all measures necessary for the defence of Egypt and
protect its inhabitants and interests.”
On the following day a further proclamation was issued deposing Abbas Hilmi,
the then Khedive, on the ground that he had adhered to the King’s enemies, and
announcing that the succession had been offered to and accepted by His Highness
Prince Hussein Kamel, with the title of Sultan of Egypt.
It has been constantly asserted by Egyptian Nationalists that they understood the
Protectorate to be merely a war measure, and the defence of Egypt promised under it
in the second clause of the Proclamation to be limited to defence in the war. The
wording of the Proclamation seems to us to offer no ground for this interpretation, but