تقرير البعثة الخاصة إلى مصر بقيادة اللورد ميلنر، وأوراق ذات صلة [ظ‎‎٧‎٧] (٤٧٣/١٥٦)

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the Egyptians were certainly given to understand that efforts would be made at the
end of the war to satisfy their national aspirations, and great pains were taken to
assure them that their national status was not changed for the worse by the Protec
torate. For example, in the telegram which he addressed to Sultan Hussein on his
accession to the Sultanate, His Majesty the King used these words:—
“ On the occasion when your Highness enters upon your high office, I desire
to convey to your Highness the expression of my most sincere friendship and the
assurance of my unfailing support in safeguarding the integrity of Egypt, and in
securing her future well-being and prosperity.
“ Your Highness has been called upon to undertake the responsibilities of
your high office at a grave crisis in the national life of Egypt, and I feel convinced
that you will be able, with the co-operation of your Ministers and the Protectorate
of Great Britain, successfully to overcome all the influences which are seeking to
destroy the independence of Egypt, and the wealth, liberty and happiness of its <
people.”
It should be added that Egyptian Nationalists are able to point to a long series of
declarations by British statesmen disowning the idea of annexing, or even permanently
occupying, the country, and affirming, in the words of Sir Eldon Gorst, that “ the
fundamental idea ” of the British Government “ has been to prepare the Egyptians
for self-government, while helping them in the meantime to enjoy the benefit of good
government.” Englishmen are aware of the circumstances which have till now
prevented the fulfilment of these pledges, but they are naturally treasuied by Egyptians
and too easily made the ground of accusations of bad faith. It is necessary to bear
them in mind, if we would understand the resentment of Egyptians at the common
assumption that Egypt is a British possession or that the Protectorate has naturally
made it so.
The situation in Egypt has therefore always remained an abnormal one since the
British Occupation in 1882. In the initial stages, problems which appeared almost
insuperable had been surmounted with remarkable success under an exceptionally able
administrator, and as time went on, and the machine appeared superficially to be running
smoothly, public opinion in Great Britain ceased to concern itself with the indefinite
character of the situation. But in realitv a settlement was becoming progressively more
urgent, the more widely the influence of our presence in Egypt and the introduction of
western methods made themselves felt. With the removal of that fear of opjnession
which in old days had made Egyptians acquiescent and submissive, new impulses and
ambitions were inevitably aroused. The Egyptians of 1920, whether townsmen or
peasants, are different people from those of 1910, and very different indeed from
the Egyptians of 1890. We have never honestly faced the Egyptian problem, and our
neglect to do so is in a measure responsible for the present situation.
The regime inaugurated by the late Lord Cromer to redeem a bankrupt adminis
tration was never more than a provisional one, because for many years there was no
reason to believe that the Occupation, which we had in 1887 actually agreed to
terminate, would be other than of brief duration. But provisional and extemporised
expedients gradually hardened into established institutions and the stronger element
in a combination of administrative forces tended to become the dominant one, to
acquire powers and responsibilities not originally contemplated, and to restrict the
Egyptian element in the public service to a secondary position. The policy pursued
in the early days of the Occupation had been to engage a restricted number of carefully
selected British officials to advise and assist, especially in the Finance and Irrigation
services. A Judicial and Educational Adviser were, in due course, added, and later
again an Adviser to the Interior, with a body of Inspectors for the Provinces. So long
as their numbers were strictly limited, and only men of high capacity and experience
were appointed, not only was the co-operation of British officials tolerated, but they
were themselves regarded with esteem and affection.
As the resources at the disposal of Egypt increased the public services were
greatly expanded, and with this expansion the obligation arose concurrently to add to
the number of foreign assistants and experts. Thus, with the prolongation of the
Occupation, the number of British officials in Egypt steadily increased, and the
principle that the aim of the administration should be to train and equip Egyptians to
manage their own affairs fell into the background. In spite of the fact that Egyptian
Ministers have of recent years taken a greater part and a more direct interest in their
departments than in the early days of the Occupation, when many of them were content
with little more than an honorary position, the work of Under-Secretaries and heads of