ملف من أوراق مطبوعة مصنفة تحت عنوان "التفاوض المصري" بين كرزون وعدلي باشا والوفد المصري [و‎‎٨‎٥] (١٧٨/١٦٩)

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significance or repute ; and I am told by competent observers that tbe departure of
Mme. Zagblul from Cairo last week, when tbe Government did nothing to forestall any
display of spontaneous or mercenary zeal, though it was very largely attended, was
generally viewed as a public show rather than as a political event. Propaganda in
favour of Zaghlulism has, except on special occasions, largely given place to abuse of
the present Government, and, indeed, Sarwat Pasha’s chief danger now lies rather in
dislike for his administration (and in another cause, to which I shall presently allude)
than in enthusiasm for another party.
This is not to say that if Zaghlul Pasha returned to Egypt to-morrow he could not
do what he liked with the country. I do not know what his inclinations as an exile
may he, but I have no doubt that, once restored, he would be a disruptive and not a
constructive force.
The old Nationalist, or Watanist, Party has been swamped by Zaghlulism.
Whereas Zaaddulism is a genuine Egyptian nationalist movement which has over
reached itself and lost many of its saner representatives, through the reciprocal
incitations of its more arrogant or malicious leaders and its more turbulent supporters,
the Watanist Party maintains its Turkish affinities, its more Islamic than
Egyptian outlook and its contact with the ex-Khedive. It finds, however, many
points of common ground with the extremer Zaghlulists; they share its uncom
promising rejection of any British connection whatever, and are indistinguishable
from the Watanists in their enthusiasm for the achievements of Mustapha Kemal
Pasha, whose name received a full share of ovation from the crowds which watched the
departure of Mme. Zaghlul. The Watanists may applaud Zaghlul for their own
purposes, hut their leaders are naturally glad to be rid of a predominant rival. This
party is probably relatively stronger among Egyptians abroad than in Egypt itself,
hut it draws strength naturally from A1 Azhar University and from the Alexandria
district, where there is much Turkish blood, and where the prestige of Prince Omar
Toussoun and Mohammed Pasha Said is particularly felt. It is largely under YYatanist
influence (and in accordance with the traditional policy of the party) that preparations
are being made for a demonstration in honour of the Minister of France, whom it is
convenient at the present juncture to take at her own valuation as the friend and
protector of Islam.
Above these parties, as His Majesty is fond of reiterating, stands King Fuad ; his
attitude is interesting and, 1 am hound to add, somewhat equivocal.
Until the time of the Tewfik Nessim Ministry, Sultan Fuad had remained almost a
cypher, scarcely exerting himself publicly except to repress a hid for political influence
on moderate lines by Prince Omar To issoun, but the retirement which a lack of
personal courage enforced upon him must have been distasteful to a man possessing
the love of power which has characterised his family. Tewfik Nessim Pasha, with
loyalty and prudence, brought his Sovereign into public notice; and this policy was
continued by Adly and Sarwat Pashas, who have made persistent and successful efforts
to bring the Palace into contact with the Egyptian people and to ensure large and
representative attendances at receptions.
Already in the spring of 1921 the Sultan felt himself strong enough to attempt to
oppose the formation of the Adly Ministry, hut it was not until the summer of 1922
that he settled into the practice of endeavouring to dictate to his Council of Ministers
in matters other than those affecting his own finances 1 have mentioned already in
this despatch, and recounted more fully elsewhere, the salient instances of this practice,
and I may add that a new issue has just arisen, reminiscent of the reign ol Abbas Hilmi,
concerning decorations. The King desires to alter the statutes regulating the award of
the “ £toile militaire” in such a way as to place this decoration wholly in his own gift,
and to institute a new order, which he has elected to call the Order of Ismail, to take
precedence over the Order of the Nile, and also to he wholly in his own gift. Sarwat
Pasha, mindful, perhaps, of the declaration of King Fuad’s autocratic father, “ Dorenavant
je veux gouverner avec et par mon Conseil des Ministres,” is intending to stand out
against tins proposal, and in so doing he has my approval.
The King has not thus declared himself without bringing about relations of
persistent and acute tension with a Ministry pledged, with ids own sanction, to
constitutionalism. He tells me frankly that all his Ministers hate him, and what
Sarwat Pasha now feels about the King is indicated by some remarks, a copy of which
I transmit herewith for your Lordship’s information, which he made last month to a
member of my staffi These feelings are at present shared by the leading adherents of
Adly Pasha.
This open display of autocracy dates from the appointment of Tewfik Nessim Pasha
[_9311J E 2