"مذكرات وذكريات مسؤول في الخدمة السياسية الهندية" [و‎‎٦‎٤] (١٥٦/١٢٧)

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cantenements in the leased areas of Indian States, the British jurisdiction over the lands
which carried the railways running through their territories, custom duties, ports,
post and telegraph facilities, currency and stamps, and the future of the Indian State
Forces, were just a few of these problems. What the Rulers wanted was the restitution
of all the concessions and leases they had made over the years to the Government of
India now that paramountcy was about to lapse. But, more important, they conceived the
idea that, under the new dispensation they were entitled to complete individual liberty
and independence. They seemed to be totally incapable of understanding that the
special and priviledged - albeit subordinate position which they had enjoyed in the
past - had been created for them by their British masters, who were now on the point
of departure. The new Government who were about to assume power at the two centres
were hardly likely to reinstate the Princes in the enjoyment of greater independent
status than had been previously accorded to them.
I recall that three separate conferences were convened at Viceroy's House attended by
the Political Advisor, senior members of the Political Department, as well as all the
Residents, to discuss the thorny problems of the Indian States after partition. At
them, Sir Conrad Corfield and his senior officers did their best to explain the diffi
culties which confronted the Rulers on the transfer of power. They stressed in particular
the repeated guarantees which had been given to the Princes by successive British
Governments through the years that they would be protected from outside interference.
I attended one of these conferences in a lowly official capacity, sitting against the
wall. It became immediately apparent that the Viceroy was not to be deterred from carry
ing out the programme and timetable on which he had decided. Any problems which could
not be solved before the 15th August - and these included all the major bones of con
tention - were left to be negotiated between the Governments of India and Pakistan on
the one hand, and the Rulers on the other after the British had relinquished power. The
States were to be granted the right to choose to which of the two dominion's governments
they were prepared to 'adhere' once the British had gone. There was no provision
envisaged which would enable any of them to strike out on its own.
During the last few months, H.M.G. had been giving urgent consideration to the question
of how they themselves were to be represented in the sub-continent in a diplomatic
capacity after the transfer. As^early as April 1947, an embryo U.K. High Commission had
been set up in New Delhi under t^Ke British High Commissioner in the person of Sir
Terence Shqpfe, KCMG, a career member of H.M. Foreign Service. But he would need con
siderable accretions to his headquarters staff, and officers would also have to be
nominated to fill the subordinate quasi—consular posts in the great cities of India,
such as Calcutta, Bombay and Madras, which would be responsible for looking after the
interests of British firms and those British subjects who would remain in the country
after independence. There was also the question of Pakistan, which had not hitherto
been tackled.