‏"ملخص الأحداث والتدابير الرئيسية التي اتخذها سمو نائب الملك اللورد كرزون من كيدلستون، نائب الملك والحاكم العام للهند في إدارة الخارجية. ‏I‏. يناير ١٨٩٩-أبريل ١٩٠٤. ‏II‏. ديسمبر ١٩٠٤-نوفمبر ١٩٠٥. المجلد IV. بلاد فارس والخليج الفارسي." [و‎‎٨] (٣٨٦/٢٠)

3
I should have thought that the record that I have quoted on the North-West Frontier would
have saved me from the charge of a dangerous or impulsive policy on any part of the Indian
frontier. I have no desire to push on anywhere, and the history of the past five years has
been one not of aggression but of consolidation and restraint. It is enough for me to guard
what we have without hankering for more, but I would suffer any imputation sooner than
be an unfaithful sentinel at my post, or allow the future peace of this country to be compro
mised by encroachments from the outside, as to whose meaning there cannot be any question.
If the Tibetan Government is wise, it will realise that the interests of the Indian defence, and
the friendship of the Indian Government, are entirely compatible with the continued independ
ence and autonomy of Tibet, so far as these may be said at present to exist, but it should
also realise that they are incompatible with the predominance of any other foreign influence,
carrying with it insecurity on our frontier, and adding gratuitously to our cares
The question of British policy in Persia was one of the first which received
the attention of Lord Curzon’s Government. For many years prior to his
assumption of ofiice in India, the problem had engaged the Viceroy’s interest.
The position with which the Government of India were confronted was :
no new one. It had long been patent to every careful observer that the
Persian Government was effete; that there existed no prospect of spontaneous
reform; and that the country, but feebly held together by any tie of race,
religion, or loyalty, was only saved from dissolution by the rival ambi
tions of the * two great European Powers between whom its territories
are placed. None could say when the final ruin might supervene. The
Government of India clearly could not look on with indifference. The
general character of British interests
British interests m Persia, 1899. p ers j aj substantially the same now
as in 1899, may briefly he described as commercial, telegraphic, political,
and strategical/ The value of British trade with Persia was in 1899 some
three and-a-half millions sterling. A telegraphic system has been built up
under British auspices; land lines and cables British owned or subsidised from
British revenues provide the sole means of sure and speedy communication
within the Shah’s dominions. Political interests, so far as they may be dis
tinguished from others closely allied, may he said to result from the entry
of Persia into the vortex of European politics. Foreign representation at
Tehran is not confined to the conterminous Powers, Great Britain, Lussia
and Turkey. Prance and Germany, America, and Austria, Belgium and Italy,
aud the Scandinavian Kingdoms, all maintain at the Persian capital considerable
diplomatic establishments necessitated not by contiguity of territorial posses
sions, nor by the extent of their commercial stake, hut by the fact that Persian
affairs have secured a definite place on the stage of world politics. Strategic
interests arise from the position of Persia on the confines of the Indian
Empire. In the early years of the nineteenth century the Shah’s dominions
formed the base of French designs upon our Indian possessions. In latter years
Persia has been the scene of schemes for the extension of Russian power at the
expense of British interests in Asia.
Material evidence of British activity has long existed in nearly every
part of Persia. The trade of Britain passes by numerous old established
routes; in the north-west from Trebizond by Bayazid; from the west by
Khanikin ; further south by the ports of Arabistan, Bushire, Bunder Abbas,
and minor harbours of the Persian Gulf aud Indian ocean, on the cast from
Baluchistan, and to a less extent through the territories of the Amir. At
Tehran resides the British Minister, llere also are the head-quaiters of Biitish
telegraphic enterprise and of the Imperial Bank of Persia, a British institu
tion 5 possessed of special privileges conferred by grant of the Shah. At the
principal towns of the provinces also there are concrete signs of British
interests, though this was less the case in 1899 than at the present day.
A British Consul had long had his station at llesht. Tabriz, the place of
residence of the heir-apparent to the Persian Throne, was the head-quarters of
a British Consul-General. At Kermanshah an Indian Agent supervised the
traffic passing by the western frontier. At Mohammerah a Vice-Consul
tended British interests on the Karun. A British company was firmly
established as the principal carrying agent on that river, and was engaged
in opening out a caravan route through the Bakhtiari hills to Ispahan. At
the latter place, the ancient capital of the Sefavi dynasty, British trade had