مجموعة ٦/ ١٩ "الجزيرة العربية: (المملكة العربية السعودية) التقرير السنوي لمملكة الحجاز ونجد." [ظ‎‎١‎٧‎٧] (٥٤٠/٣٥٥)

4
Ibn Rifada from any hope of reinforcements or supplies from outside. He got
little local support either. Such as it was, it dwindled when it was seen how little
food or money he had to offer. A party of Beni Atiya escaped British control in
Transjordan and got over the frontier further east in June, but it amounted to
little more than a brigand band. Ibn Rifada himself had no qualities of
leadership and no means of making a swift push forward. He hung about undl
the 30th July, when he and the main body of his followers were killed off in t 1 ^ ** هذه التواريخ تقريبية
neighbourhood of Muwaila by the Ikhwan and other Saudi forces. The latter
then proceeded to exterminate such of the remnants as could not escape into
Transjordan or join up with the vagabond band of Beni Atiya. No other
disaffected element in Saudi Arabia rose at that time.
9. Ibn Rifada had had attaches in Transjordan as well as in Egypt. It
has never been formally proved that the Amir Abdullah was privy to his attempt,
and, indeed, the Amir disavowed it under British pressure. Definite suspicion
attaches to members of the Amir’s entourage, though it would be hard to convict
them in a court of law. An important role was also played by a body called the
Hizb-al-Ahrar-al-Hijazi, or group of Hejazi Liberals, which had existed for
several years and had come into close association with exponents of the cause of
a Hashimite restoration in the Hejaz. This organisation has branches in Egypt
and the Yemen as well as in Transjordan, and has connexions elsewhere, notably
in the Italian colony of Eritrea. It is composed largely of expatriated members
of Hejazi town families, notably the Dabbaghs, two of whom, Hussein and Tahir,
are the most active spirits. It'is certain that these people projected a rising in
Asir to synchronise with and somewhat precede Ibn Rifada’s adventure. This
rising did not come off in May, but it broke out independently early in November.
Hasan-al-Idrisi, who had accepted the practical annexation of his country by
Ibn Saud in 1931, but retained a simulacrum of authority, put himself at the
head of the new rebellion. Ibn Saud took this movement very seriously and sent
considerable forces to Asir. The course of the affair will be described later. The
important point to note in a general review is its close connexion with the
Ibn Rifada business, despite the failure of the outside promoters to make them
synchronise according to plan.
II. —Foreign Relations.
(A) With States in Arabia.
Iraq.
10. The relations between Saudi Arabia and Iraq were correct throughout
the year and improved as it wore on. Although disputes arose between the two
Governments, they were fewer in number than might have been expected. In the
second half of the year it became the fashion in high Saudi circles and the press
to acclaim King Feisal as a sound Arab and a ruler with whom it was possible
to get on, in contrast with his brother, the Amir of Transjordan. Great care
was taken on the Saudi side not to connect the King of Iraq or his Government
in any way with the Ibn Rifada affair or other onslaughts on Ibn Saud. The
latter sent a cordial telegram of congratulation to King Feisal on the admittance
of Iraq to the League of Nations in October.
11. The benevolent attitude of Ibn Saud and his Government towards Iraq
and King Feisal did not extend to the eldest brother, ex-King Ali, and persons
supposed to belong to his especial circle. His journey to Amman on the
23rd June to make a long stay with the Amir Abdullah aroused violent suspicion,
and there was an almost simultaneous scare over an alleged plot in his entourage
to assassinate the Amir Feisal during the visit of the Saudi mission to Bagdad.
These were, however, transitory emotions. Good sense prevailed, and during the
remainder of the year the Saudi Government kept off the subject of the ex-King.
12. Dr. Naji-al-Asil, the first Iraqi Charge d’Affaires and consul-general,
arrived in Jedda on the 14th February. Although an Iraqi, he had been at one
time closely associated with King Hussein, whom he served as a sort of
diplomatic representative in Europe in and after 1922. His general reputation
in British circles at that time was not high, but, on his arrival in the Hejaz, he
made a favourable impression on His Majesty’s Charge d'Affaires. Whatever