"استطلاعات في بلاد الرافدين وكردستان وشمال غرب بلاد فارس ولرستان في الفترة من أبريل إلى أكتوبر ١٨٨٨، كتبها المقدم ف. ر. مونسيل، فرع الاستخبارات. يوجد مجلدان. المجلد الأول: تقرير سردي ووصف للمدن الكبرى والطرق المؤدية منها. شيملا: فرع الاستخبارات، إدارة قائد الإمداد والتموين، ١٨٩٠" [ظ‎‎١‎٣‎٠] (٣١٢/٢٦٥)

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The tenant, on the other hand, is responsible for the due discharge of the
imposts to the landlord, upon whose individual character it wholly” depends
whether a system, which in principle seems equitable enough, can be converted
into an instrument of oppression.
Near the American Mission College were two villages, one Musalman and
the other Christian, each of about 15 houses, and both underthe same landlord.
In both of them the landlord provided the seed for sowing. The annual pro
duce was 50 karwars of wheat. ^
The Government imposts amounted to 5 krans per karwar, and the total
taxes would be therefore about 25 tomans per annum.
Putting the population at 75, the annual tax would amount to individually
3 tomans or £1-5-0. Christians and Musalmans were here subjected to an
-analogous system, but the Musalmans were favoured thus : Instead of keep
ing literally to the terms of the agreement regarding the distribution of seed,
the landlord sometimes allowed the Musalman tenants to sow a few acres with
his own seed, and appropriate two shares of the crop ; whereas a similar indul
gence is never shown to the Christian, who is kept to the letter of the law.
After visiting several villages on the plain, the Christians seemed more
prosperous than the Musalmans ; but being considerably in the minority, they
were less able to make a successful stand against an oppressive landlord 5 than
their neighbours.
In some of the villages on the Nazlu Chai the landlords resort largely to
forced labour in the cultivation of their vineyards and cornfields. ” J
The labourers, who are both Musalman and Christian, receive no pecu
niary remuneration, and rarely a morsel of food, besides beino- beaten as fre
quent complaints seem to show. It appears that more Christians than Musal
mans are pressed into this service.
The oppressive system resorted to for the collection of taxes, where the
master of the village is a man of unscrupulous character, and the corruption
of the sources of justice, are evils which form the common heritage of Chris
tian and Musalman. ®
As the result of class prejudices, the Christians are often unable to brin«-
their produce for sale the Musalmans refusing to buy it. In consequence of
their being on the border land between two weak ill-o-overned states the
^citizens of Urmia aod the whole population of its “plain are iTaUe to
incessant Kurdish raids, which render life and property more insecure than
in any other part of the empire.
Another grievance is the Jedid-ul-Islam law. By this, if one member
of a Christian family embrace Islamism, he or she becomes entitled to the
property of the family ; and by the word family not only father and mother,
but collateral branches are included. It is seldom that a Christian apostatises
under the law; but a young Musalman may seduce or forcibly abduct a
Christian girl of well-to-do family, and declare that she has become a Musal
man, and thus claim all the property.
If the girl has not really deserted her religion, it is easy to get another
to personate her, as she can only be produced in court veiled,
. , r f he testlmon y of a Christian in the country is not received in a court of
justice any more than in Turkey. Turkey has admitted it in principle
by the promulgation of various Imperial/^ ordering that there is to be
no difference made between the two races, and the European powers have
thus a solid basis to work upon, by which they are entitled to demand
as a right the complete religious and civil emancipation of all the Christian
populations. The Shah might be induced to act in the same manner.